UNIVERSITY    OF    CALIFORNIA    PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN    ARCHAEOLOGY   AND    ETHNOLOGY 

Vol.  9,  No.  3,  pp.  273-435  April  29,  191 1 


THE   LANGUAGES  OF  THE   COAST  OF 
CALIFORNIA   NORTH   OF 
SAN   FRANCISCO 


BT 

A.  L.  KROEBER 


JSancrof; 


BERKELEY 
THE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS 
DEPARTMENT  OF  ANTHROPOLOGY 

The  following  publications  dealing  with  archaeological  and  ethnological  subjects  issued 
under  the  direction  of  the  Department  of  Anthropology  are  sent  in  exchange  for  the'  publi- 
cations of  anthropological  departments  and  museums,  and  for  journals  devoted  to  general 
anthropology  or  to  archaeology  and  ethnology.  They  are  for  sale  at  the  prices  stated,  which 
include  postage  or  express  charges.  Exchanges  should  be  directed  to  The  Exchange  Depart- 
ment, University  Library,  Berkeley,  California,  U.  S.  A.  All  orders  and  remittances  should 

be  addressed  to  the  University  Press. 

Price 
Vol    1       1.  Life  and  Culture  of  the  Hupa,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.     Pp.  1-88; 

plates  1-30.    September,  1903  .....................................................................  S1-25 

2.  Hupa  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  89-368.    March,  1904  ..........     3.00 

Index,  pp.  369-378. 
Vol  2       1   The  Exploration  of  the  Potter  Creek  Cave,  by  William  J.  Sinclair. 

Pp.  1-27;  plates  1-14.    April,  1904  ....................................  -40 

2.  The  Languages  of  the  Coast  of  California  South  of  San  Francisco,  by 

A  L  Kroeber.    Pp.  29-80,  with  a  map.    June,  1904  ...............................  GO 

3.  Types  of  Indian  Culture  in  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  81-103. 

June,  1904  ......................................................  ••  .....  ---"••      <25 

4   Basket  Designs  of  the  Indians  of  Northwestern  California,  by  A.  L. 

Kroeber.    Pp.  105-164;  plates  15-21.    January,  1905  ...........  ................  75 

5.  The  Yokuts  Language  of  South  Central  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber. 

Pp.  165-377.    January,  1907  ......................................................................    2>25 

Index,  pp.  379-393. 
Vol   3  The  Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard. 

344  pp.    June,  1905  ...................................................................  3>5° 

Vol  4  1.  The  Earliest  Historical  Relations  between  Mexico  and  Japan,  from 
original  documents  preserved  in  Spain  and  Japan,  by  Zelia  Nuttall. 
Pp.  1-47.  April,  1906  ..................................................................  -•  ...........  -  >6° 

2  Contribution  to  the  Physical  Anthropology  of  California,  based  on  col- 

lections in  the  Department  of  Anthropology  of  the  University  of 
California,  and  in  the  U.  S.  National  Museum,  by  Ales  Hrdlicka. 
Pp.  49-64,  with  5  tables;  plates  1-10,  and  map.  June,  1906  ............  75 

3  The  Shoshonean  Dialects  of  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  65-166. 

February,  1907  ...........................................................  -  .....  -  .........  ---     llBO 

4  Indian  Myths  from  South  Central  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp. 

167-250.     May,  1907  .............................  ._.-_-.       .70 

5  The  Washo  Language  of  East  Central  California  and  Nevada,  by  A.  L. 

Kroeber.    Pp.  251-318.     September,  1907  .......................................  .-•---.      -™ 

6.  The  Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  319- 

356.     September,  1907  .....................................  -  ...........................................  50 

Index,  pp.  357-374. 
Vol   5       1   The  Phonology  of  the  Hupa  Language;  Part  I,  The  Individual  Sounds, 

by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  1-20,  plates  1-8.    March,  1907  ...........  35 

2.  Navaho  Myths,  Prayers  and  Songs,  with  Texts  and  Translations  by 

Washington  Matthews,  edited  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  21-63. 

September,  1907  ..................................................................  ~"""~ 

3   Kato  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  65-238,  plate  9.    December, 


4  The  Material  Culture  of  the  Klamath  Lake   and  Modoc   Indians   of 

Northeastern  California  and  Southern  Oregon,  by  S.  A.  Barrett. 
Pp.  239-292,  plates  10-25.     June,  1910  ....................................  £""  OQ'Q" 

5  The  Chimariko  Indians  and  Language,  by  Roland  B.  Dixon.    Pp.  29-i 

380.     August,  1910  .................. 

Index,  pp.  381-384. 
Vol   6       1.  The  Ethno-Geography  of  the  Porno  and  Neighboring  Indians,  by  Sam- 

uel  Alfred  Barrett.    Pp.  1-332,  maps  1-2.    February,  1908  -..---------     S-25 

2  The  Geography  and  Dialects  of  the  Miwok  Indians,  by  Samuel  Alfred 

Barrett.    Pp.  333-368,  map  3.  Tv/r^t 

3  On  the  Evidence  of  the  Occupation  of  Certain  Regions  by  the  Miwok 

Indians,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  369-380.    Nos.  2  and  3  in  one  cover. 
February,  1908  ............................................................................................... 

Index,  pp.  381-400.  ... 

Vol.  7.      1.  The  Emeryville  Shellmound,  by  Max  Uhle.    Pp.  1-106,  plates  1-12,  with 

38  text  figures.    June,  1907  ...............................................................  •;    ' 

2.  Recent  Investigations  bearing  upon  the  Question  of  the  Occurrence  0, 

Neocene  Man  in  the  Auriferous  Gravels  of  California,  by  William 
J.Sinclair.    Pp.  107-130,  plates  13-14.    February,  1908        .....  .........      -35 

3.  Porno  Indian  Basketry,  by  S.  A.  Barrett.    Pp.  133-306,  plates  15-30, 

231  text  figures.    December,  1908  ......  «""«""^i«^- 

4.  Shellmounds  of  the  San  Francisco  Bay  Region,  by  N.  C.  1,  ^ 

5   ThePEuL09LTn%SatShenmound,  b^N.c'.  Nelson:"'  Pp.  357-426,  plates 
36-50.    April,  1910  .................. 

Index,  pp.  427-441. 


LINGUISTIC    FAMILIES 
or 

NORTHERN    CALIFORNIA 


DIALECTS    SHOWN   ON    THE    MAP 


Miivok:  1,  2,  3,  Southern,  Central,  Northern  Sierra;  4,  Plains;  o,  6,  Southern, 
Western  Coast;  7,  Lake.  Porno:  8,  Eastern;  9,  Northern.  Yuki:  10,  Wappo;  11, 
Coast;  12,  Huchnom.  Yurok:  13,  Coast.  Karok:  14,  Upper.  Athabascan:  15,  Hupa; 
16,  Tolowa.  Shasta:  17,  Atsugewi  (Hat  Creek);  18,  Achomawi  (Pit  River). 


UNIVERSITY    OF    CALIFORNIA    PUBLICATIONS 

IN 
AMERICAN    ARCHAEOLOGY   AND    ETHNOLOGY 

Vol.  9,  No.  3,  pp.  273-435  April  29,  191 1 


THE  LANGUAGES  OF  THE  COAST  OF 

CALIFORNIA  NORTH  OF 

SAN  FRANCISCO 


BY 

A.  L.  KROEBEE. 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION 276 

MIWOK    278 

I.  The  Northern  Sierra  Dialect  278 

Phonetics   279 

Structure    280 

Plural    280 

Cases  280 

Pronouns    282 

Pronominal   Affixes   283 

Verb    287 

Verb  Stems  288 

Demonstratives  290 

Numerals    290 

Subordination   290 

Order  of  Words  291 

Text  291 

II.  Miwok  Dialects  292 

Comparative  Phonetics  293 

Plural    295 

Case   Endings   297 

Pronominal  Forms  _ 297 

Meaning  of  the  Subjective  Forms  300 

Use  of  the  Subjective  Forms  301 

Special  Peculiarities  302 

Costanoan  Connections  306 

Demonstratives  308 

Verb  ...  ..  309 


274        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


PAGE 

Comparative  Etymology  311 

Phrases  313 

Texts  316 

Central  Sierra  Dialect  316 

Southern  Sierra  Dialect  317 

Southern  Coast  Dialect  318 

Summary  319 

POMO  320 

Phonetics  321 

Grammatical  Methods  323 

Nouns  ; 324 

Pronouns 325 

Demonstratives  327 

Interrogatives  330 

Adjectives  330 

Adverbs  331 

Numerals  332 

Verbs 332 

Composition  and  Derivation 340 

Verb  Stems  341 

Text  343 

Northern  Porno  346 

YUKI  348 

Phonetics  348 

Grammatical  Processes  350 

Derivative  Suffixes  of  Nouns  352 

Suffixes  of  Number  and  Gender  353 

Case  Suffixes  355 

Derivative  Verb  Suffixes  357 

Syntactical  Verb  Suffixes  362 

Suffixes  and  Structure 365 

Noun  366 

Pronoun  366 

Adjective  368 

Numerals  368 

Connectives  369 

Verb  370 

Sentence  372 

Vocabulary  372 

Text  375 

General  Character  of  the  Language  381 

Wappo  381 

WIYOT  384 

Phonetics  , 384 

Reduplication  387 

Composition  387 

Derivation  388 

Pronoun  .  -  391 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  275 

PAGE 

Demonstratives  394 

Noun   395 

Verb 395 

Particles  395 

Prefixes 396 

Suffixes  '. 399 

Adjectives    401 

Numerals    401 

Order  of  Words  401 

Alphabetical  List  of  Affixes  402 

Prefixes  402 

Suffixes   403 

Texts  404 

Crow   404 

Pelican    405 

Skunk   405 

Vocabulary  406 

Nouns   406 

Verbs 411 

Adjectives   412 

Adverbs _ _.  413 

Pronouns    413 

Numeral  Stems  413 

YUROK  414 

Phonetics   415 

Structure    419 

Pronoun    419 

Noun   421 

Verb    421 

Numerals    423 

Texts  424 

Woxpekumeu  424 

Pulekuqwerek   425 

Buzzard    425 

Summary    426 

KAROK  427 

Phonetics   427 

Structure    428 

Noun   430 

Pronoun    431 

Verb    431 

Adjective  433 

Numerals    433 

Text  ..  ...  434 


276        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


INTRODUCTION. 

To  Mrs.  Phoebe  A.  Hearst,  whose  generosity  began  ten  years 
ago  to  secure  for  the  University  of  California  a  valuable  series 
of  anthropological  museum  collections,  and  has  since  supported 
an  Ethnological  and  Archaeological  Survey  of  California,  the 
credit  is  due  for  the  following  pages. 

The  paper  completes  the  preliminary  studies  of  a  grammatical 
nature  made  by  the  author  among  the  languages  of  California 
since  1901.  Taken  in  conjunction  with  his  previous  articles  in 
this  series  and  those  prepared  by  other  investigators  working 
for  the  University,  together  with  the  studies  made  of  several 
languages  of  northeastern  California  by  Dr.  R.  B.  Dixon,  and 
the  two  or  three  works  published  before  Mrs.  Hearst  enabled  the 
University  to  turn  its  attention  to  the  field,  the  present  paper 
brings  the  knowledge  of  the  subject  to  a  point  where  at  least  some 
information  is  available  on  the  structure  of  practically  every 
linguistic  family  in  the  state. 

The  territory  covered  by  the  present  treatise  is  that  lying 
between  the  Coast  range  and  the  sea  from  San  Francisco  to  the 
northern  boundary  of  the  state.  Two  languages  in  this  area  have 
previously  been  monographically  treated  in  the  present  series 
of  publications :  the  Athabascan  family  as  represented  by  Hupa, 
by  Dr.  Goddard,1  and  Chimariko,  an  isolated  stock,  by  Dr. 
Dixon.2  These  are  accordingly  not  included  here.  Those  sketched 
are,  in  order  from  south  to  north,  Miwok,  Porno,  Yuki,  Wiyot, 
Yurok,  Karok.  Further  studies  of  Yurok  are  in  progress;  and 
the  author  hopes  to  continue  a  more  detailed  examination  of 
Yuki  and  Karok.  No  attempt  at  an  exhaustive  treatment  of  these 
languages  has  therefore  been  made :  the  descriptions  of  them  are 
preliminary.  The  accounts  given  of  the  other  three  languages 
make  use  of  all  the  information  that  has  been  gathered,  and  are 
therefore  somewhat  fuller. 

It  must  be  clearly  understood  that  while  languages  may  be 
spoken  of,  it  is  really  linguistic  families  that  are  dealt  with. 


1  III,  1905. 

2  V,  293-380,  1910. 


1911]  Eroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  277 

Where  several  languages  are  unquestionably  kindred,  one  of  the 
group  has  been  selected  for  grammatical  investigation.  Thus 
the  Porno  family  comprises  seven  distinct  dialects  or  languages, 
as  evinced  by  a  comparison  of  vocabularies.  As  a  comparative 
grammatical  study  of  seven  languages  is  a  larger  task  than  was 
feasible  for  a  preliminary  investigation,  the  Eastern  dialect  has 
been  chosen  to  represent  the  six  others,  which  it  undoubtedly 
does  approximately  typify  in  all  essentials.  In  the  same  way  the 
descriptions  of  Yuki  and  Miwok  apply  each  primarily  to  one 
language  selected  from  the  several  constituting  the  family.  So 
far  everything  shows  that  kindred  languages  in  California  are 
very  similar  in  structure,  however  much  they  differ  in  a  large 
proportion  of  their  vocabulary. 


278         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  EtTin.    [Vol.  9 


MIWOK. 

As  information  has  been  obtained  on  several  Miwok  dialects, 
it  seems  most  practical  first  to  devote  a  special  and  more  detailed 
consideration  to  the  best-known  of  these  idioms  without  refer- 
ence to  its  congeners,  and  then,  in  a  following  section,  to  review 
and  compare  all  the  dialects  of  the  family,  both  with  reference 
to  one  another  and  to  their  connection  with  the  Costanoan 
languages,  as  these  now  appear  to  be  perhaps  genetically  related 
to  Miwok.3 

Indians  of  Miwok  family  held  the  territory  from  the  Golden 
Gate  northward  to  beyond  the  limits  of  Marin  county,  as  far  as 
Bodega  bay,  so  that  this  language  was  the  first  to  be  encountered 
as  the  coast  is  followed  northward  from  San  Francisco.  A  second 
area  of  Miwok  speech  was  situated  in  the  Coast  range,  south  of 
Clear  lake.  The  third,  largest,  and  most  important  division  of 
the  family,  and  the  only  one  to  which  the  name  Miwok  in  its 
narrower  and  original  sense  properly  applies,  is  neither  in  the 
coast  region  nor  north  of  San  Francisco,  but  occupies  the  western 
slope  of  the  Sierra  Nevada  range  between  Cosumnes  and  Fresno 
rivers.4 

I.  THE  NORTHERN  SIERRA  DIALECT. 

The  form  of  Miwok  specially  discussed  here  is  the  so-called 
Amador  dialect,  the  northerly  of  three  constituting  the  Sierra 
division  of  the  family.  The  material  was  obtained  in  1908  from 
the  late  Eph  Cummings  of  West  Point,  Calaveras  County,  and  is 
supplemented  by  notes,  more  elaborate  on  some  points,  that  were 
secured  at  Jackson  and  San  Andreas  in  1900  by  Dr.  A.  M.  Tozzer, 
and  are  available  through  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  C.  P.  Bowditch  and 
Professor  R.  B.  Dixon.  Certain  inconsistencies  in  orthography 
are  due  to  the  fact  that  the  material  is  from  two  observers. 


s  Present  series,  IX,  237-271,  1910. 

•*  S.  A.  Barrett,  present  series,  VI,  1-332  and  maps,  333-368  and  map, 
1908. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  279 


PHONETICS. 

The  phonetics  are  of  the  simple  Californian  type.  The  vowels 
are  a;  i,  e,  o,  u,  all  open ;  and  o,  u,  the  quality  of  which  is  indis- 
tinct, and  which  might  be  written  o,  u.  Surd  and  sonant  stops 
are  difficult  to  distinguish,  at  least  as  much  so  as  in  Costanoan 
and  more  than  in  Yokuts  or  Porno.  The  surd  stops  are  rather 
forcibly  articulated.  There  are  interdental  or  dental  and  alveolar 
t  and  d;  the  former  occur  in  debe,  cut,  tolokocu,  three,  damman, 
south;  the  latter  apparently  in  tuina,  jump,  and  doklo,  strike. 
While  the  existence  of  two  series  of  dentals  is  common  in  Cali- 
fornian languages,  the  difference  between  them  is  usually  greater 
than  in  this  language,  the  posterior  series  being  formed  more 
nearly  palatally  than  in  Miwok.  Dr.  Barrett  distinguishes  three 
t's — t,  t,  T — but  in  many  cases  appears  to  have  written  t  for  T 
where  interdental  t  occurs.  The  two  positions  of  the  dentals  have 
not  been  distinguished  orthographically  in  these  notes.  K  is 
formed  rather  far  back.  X,  spirant  of  k,  is  usually  heard  more 
nearly  like  h  and  is  probably  the  same  sound ;  n,  the  nasal  of  k, 
occurs,  but  not  initially.  There  is  1  but  no  r.  Glottal  stops  occur 
but  are  not  prominent.  Consonants  are  frequently  lengthened  or 
doubled ;  n,  m,  c,  k,  have  been  observed  thus :  kanni,  I. 

kg  n 

t-      d-       c       j 
t       d         s        z        n 
P      b 

w,  y,  h,  1,  ',  tc,  dj 

No  words  begin  or  end  in  two  consonants.  Juxtapositions  of 
consonants  are  rare  also  in  words,  and  in  most  cases  are  visibly 
due  to  composition,  derivation,  or  affixion. 

The  stress  accent  of  words  does  not  tend  so  strongly  as  in  some 
languages  to  rest  on  the  penult,  but  may  be  found  on  any 
syllable  between  the  first  and  the  last.  The  numerals  to  sixteen 
illustrate:  lu"ti,  odi'ko,  tolo'kocu,  oyi"sa,  ma'coka,  te'mmoko, 
ke'nnekakw,  ka'winta,  wo"e,  na'a'tca,  lu"sagena,  o'diksagena, 
tolo"teakw,  kolo'kaku,  yu"ali,  o'yodo.  It  seems  that  long  vowels 
and  vowels  followed  by  a  glottal  stop  or  doubled  consonant 
generally  bear  the  accent,  which  is  well  marked. 


280         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

STRUCTURE. 

The  majority  of  noun  and  verb  stems  are  disyllabic.  Neither 
etymological  duplication  nor  grammatical  reduplication  is  con- 
spicuous. There  seems  to  be  little  vocalic  mutation.  Position 
plays  an  unimportant  part  syntactically.  There  is  apparently 
no  prefix  in  the  language,  even  preposed  pronouns  such  as  those 
of  Yuki  and  Yokuts  being  lacking.  Grammatical  form  is  there- 
fore expressed  almost  wholly  by  suffixes. 

PLURAL. 

The  plural  of  animate  nouns  is  expressed  by  -k,  sometimes  -ko. 
Thus  nafia-k,  men,  occa-k,  women,  ole'tcu-k,  coyotes,  tcummeto-k 
or  tcummeto-ko,  southerners.  Numerals  referring  to  animate 
nouns  also  take  the  ending :  oyica-k  tune-ko-nti,  four  daughter-s- 
my.  It  is  also  further  found  on  miko,  ye,  from  singular  mi,  and 
in  the  subjective  and  possessive  suffixes  of  the  same  person,  -tok 
and  -moko.  It  appears  also  on  demonstrative  and  interrogative 
stems,  as  ne-kko-n,  their,  of  these,  and  mana-ko-n,  somebody's. 
The  term  gotcayakko,  town,  from  gotca,  house,  evidently  con- 
tains the  suffix.  Nouns  ending  in  the  diminutive  -ti  show  some 
irregularity:  nafia-ti-koko,  boys;  uya-guta-k,  old  men,  and 
ona-guta-k,  old  women,  from  uya-ti  and  ona-ti. 

Inanimate  nouns  lack  indication  of  plurality.  Efforts  made 
to  determine  a  modification  in  verbs  according  to  plurality  of 
either  subject  or  object  were  fruitless. 

CASES. 

There  are  two  purely  syntactical  cases,  an  objective  -i  and  a 
possessive  -n,  which  have  an  extensive  use.  The  objective  is  not 
only  regularly  employed  on  the  object  noun,  animate  or  in- 
animate, but  on  numerals  and  verbs  used  objectively,  as  masi 
yinanakama  tolokocu-i,  we  killed  three,  and  gudjikcuangum 
muli-a-i,  I  do  not  wish  to  sing.  It  is  also  used  on  nouns  con- 
nected with  a  prepositional  adverb,  as  in  lilamadoyi  gotca-i,  on 
top  of  the  house.  The  ending  may  perhaps  also  be  sought  in 
umedj-i,  yesterday,  kauleba-i,  tomorrow,  and  willa-i,  constantly. 

The  possessive  case-suffix  is  used  not  only  in  the  noun,  but 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  281 

also  in  the  independent  pronoun  and  demonstrative :  kannw-n, 
my,  mi-nw-ii,  your,  ne-cw-n,  his,  this  one's,  itci-n,  our,  mana-ko-ii, 
somebody 's.  When  two  nouns  are  possessively  related,  the  posses- 
sive pronoun  as  well  as  the  possessive  case  may  be,  or  is  usually, 
employed:  palaia-n  hake-cu,  close  to  the  ocean,  ocean's  its  edge; 
kannu-ii  sake-nti-n  occa-cu,  my  my-friend's  his-wife,  the  latter 
construction  recalling  Yokuts  yiwin  an  limk-in,  wife  his  prairie- 
falcon's.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  possessive  case-suffix  is  added 
both  to  the  plural  and  the  pronominal  suffixes.  The  same  is  true 
of  the  objective:  uye'ayi-ko-i,  white  men;  sake-t,  my  friend, 
objective  sake-nt-i.  Added  to  a  verb  with  attached  subjective 
suffix,  the  possessive  case  renders  it  subordinate :  utcux-ce-te-n, 
when  I  had  stayed,  stay-did-I-when ;  tolyok-cuke-te-n  wnu-ce-nti, 
after  listening  I  returned.  Yokuts  uses  the  locative  case  -u  in 
exactly  parallel  constructions.  The  possessive  is  also  frequently 
used  on  the  noun  or  pronoun  subject  of  a  verb,  apparently  when 
this  is  in  some  way  dependent :  Kelsi-ri  unu-kuke-te-co,  Kelsey 
his-bringing-me ;  tolyok-cuke-nti  hayapo-ko-n  liwakcoko,  I-heard 
captains'  speaking;  kannw-n  tuyan-at,  I  jumped;  itci-n  yulu-tcu 
umedji,  we  bit  yesterday;  sake-nti-n  huwata-co,  my  friend  ran, 
my  friend's  running.  Verbs  with  the  potential  suffix  -uni  also 
may  have  their  subjects  in  the  possessive:  mina-n  tuyan-uni-na, 
can  you  jump ;  kannu-n  tuyan-uni-t,  I  can  jump. 

Like  almost  all  languages  of  California,  Miwok  possesses 
locative  and  instrumental  suffixes.  Those  determined  by  the 
author  are  a  general  locative  -to,  an  ablative  -mo,  a  terminalis  -m, 
and  an  instrumental  -su.  The  only  other  forms  obtained  are 
separate  postposed  words,  such  as  unuk,  from,  wbuk,  for,  on 
account  of,  or  preposed  prepositional  adverbs  governing  the  noun 
in  the  objective  case,  like  the  above  mentioned  lilamadoyi,  on 

top  of. 

sawalo-to,  on  Saturday  gotca-mrao,  from  the  house 

lelotu-to,  on  the  railroad  mokelumne-m,  to  Mokelumne 

isako-to,  there  sanhose-im,  to  San  Jose 

ne-to,  here  no'-m,  there 

imaga-to,  indoors  sawa-m,  on  the  rock 

min-to,  where  gudji-su,  with  a  knife 

gotcayakko-to,  to  town  cawa-su,  with  a  stone 

mokelumne-mo,  from  Mokelumne  leka-su,  with  a  stick, 
imaka-ma,  from  there 


282        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

Dr.  Tozzer  found  the  following  suffixes : 

-to,  superessive  -ko'-ta,  ko-ta,  comitative,  with 

-mo,  ablative  or  at 

-m,  -am,  inessive  -pa,  terminalis 

-pa-zo,  instrumental  -ta,  for 

It  seems  that  the  meaning  of  the  suffixes  is  not  precise,  the 
locative  being  used  to  denote  the  ablative  and  terminative  rela- 
tions and  vice  versa. 

Dr.  Tozzer  also  gives  a  number  of  pronominal  forms.  These 
consist  of  the  full  form  of  the  pronoun,  followed  by  the  case- 
ending,  to  which  in  turn  a  suffix  form  of  the  pronoun  is  added. 

kani-to-te,  on  me  (I-on-my)  ikazo-mo-ko,  from  him 

mi-ta-ni,  for  you  mi-ko-ni,  at  you 

kani-am-te,  in  me  itci-ko-me,  with  us 

It  is  not  certain  whether  each  of  these  expressions  forms  one  or 
two  words.  Possibly  kani  to-te  should  be  read  for  kani-to-te. 

The  suffix  ko-ta  or  ko-ta  loses  its  second  syllable  -ta  in  these 
pronominal  forms. 

PRONOUNS. 

The  pronominal  forms  of  Miwok  have  been  most  fully  deter- 
mined by  Dr.  Tozzer,  without  whose  full  paradigms  their  nature 
would  have  remained  obscure  at  many  points. 

As  in  other  American  languages,  the  independent  personal 
pronouns  and  the  affixed  pronominal  elements,  or  as  we  might 
say,  the  pronouns  and  the  inflections  for  person,  are  quite  dis- 
tinct in  Miwok.  As  in  most  languages  that  possess  both  classes 
of  elements,  the  independent  pronouns  are  used  chiefly  for 
emphasis,  when  they  are  actually  tautological,  or  in  elliptical 
and  unsyntactical  constructions. 

In  some  languages  the  longer  independent  words  are  clearly 
expansions  of  the  affix  or  "inflectional"  forms,  which  must  be 
regarded  as  primary.  In  other  languages  the  affixed  elements 
are  probably  reductions  of  the  originally  independent  and 
separate  pronouns.  In  Miwok  the  two  classes  of  forms  are  evi- 
dently of  unrelated  origin.  They  show,  at  least  in  the  singular, 
no  similarity  whatever. 

The  independent  pronouns,  which  are  throughout  treated  and 
declined  like  nouns,  are : 


Subjective 

Objective 

S  1 

kanni 

S  2 

mi  ' 

mini 

S  3 

[ikazo 

ikazo-i 

P  1 

itci,  maci 

P  2 

miko 

miko-i 

P  3 

[ikako 

ikako-i 

1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  283 

Possessive 

kannw-n 

miim-ii 

ikazit-n] 

itci-n,  maci-fi 

miko-n 

ikakit-n] 

The  forms  for  the  third  person  are  demonstrative. 

While  Dr.  Tozzer  gives  maci,  us,  as  the  objective  of  itci,  we, 
the  difference  between  the  two  forms  is  apparently  one  of 
duality  and  plurality  respectively,  or  possibly  of  inclusion  and 
exclusion  of  the  second  person. 

The  first  person  subjective  together  with  the  object  of  the 
second,  is  expressed  by  the  enclitics  mu-cu,  I  thee,  and  mu-tok-cu. 
I  you. 

yina  mucu',  I  kill  you 
huwate-ne  mucu',  I  make  you  run 
kutcikcu  mutokcu,  I  like  you 

PRONOMINAL   AFFIXES. 

The  ' '  inflectional ' '  forms,  contrary  to  the  prevailing  tendency 
of  American  languages,  are  suffixed. 

Their  most  remarkable  feature  is  that  the  subjective  suffixes 
of  the  verb  show  three  distinct  forms,  each  used  only  with  cer- 
tain modes  and  tenses.  The  three  tense-forms  of  one  person  are 
often  entirely  dissimilar.  One  set  of  forms  is  employed  only 
for  the  present  and  perfect  tenses.  Another  is  used  with  two 
preterite  tenses.  Still  another,  the  most  common,  is  used  after 
all  other  temporal  and  modal  suffixes.  This,  called  hereafter  the 
first  form,  is  perhaps  primary,  as  the  objective  suffixes  of  the 
verb,  and  in  part  the  possessive  suffixes  added  to  nouns,  are 
almost  identical.  Several  of  the  possessive  suffixes,  however, 
resemble  the  preterite  subjective  suffixes  more  closely. 

Possessive          Objective         Subjective  1    Subjective  2   Subjective  S 


Future, 
Passive,  etc. 

Preterite 

Present  and 
Perfect 

SI 

-t,  -nti 

-t,  -te 

-t,  -te 

-nti 

-ma,  -m 

82 

-no 

-n,  -ni 

-n,  -ni 

-no 

-8 

S3 

-co 

-k,  -ko,  -wo 

-k,  -ko,  — 

-co 

-WO 

PI 

-ted,  -ma  (si) 

-m,  -me 

-me,  -m 

-tco,  -ma(f) 

-ti 

P2 

-moko,  -miko 

-tok,  -tokni 

-tok,  -tokni 

-muko 

-toksu 

P3 

-kor  -kon 

-ko,  -k 

-ko 

-ko 

-pu 

284        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

Contrasting  with  the  independent  pronoun,  the  suffixes  almost 
throughout  possess  forms  for  the  third  person. 

"When  both  subject  and  object  are  expressed  in  the  verb,  the 
objective  suffix  precedes. 

Examples  of  the  possessive  suffixes : 

gotea-t,  my  house 

occa-t,  my  wife 

hana-t,  my  hair 

oyaji-nw,  your  name 

anei-no,  your  son 

leka-sit,  his  stick 

occa-cii,  his  wife 

hana-tcit,  our  hair 

gotca-moko,  your  house 

hana-kon,  their  hair,  somebody's  hair 

The  possessive  suffixes  follow  the  plural  ending;  case-endings 
usually  but  not  always  follow  the  possessive  suffixes. 

sake-nt-i,  my  friend  (objective) 
sake-nti-n,  my  friend's 
occa-i-nw,  your  wife  (objective) 
tune-ko-t,  my  daughters 

The  first  or  primary  form  of  the  subjective  suffixes  is  em- 
ployed after  the  future  suffix  -i,  the  passive  -si,  the  usitative 
-imi,  the  potential  -uni,  and  at  least  certain  combinations  of  past 
suffixes,  such  as  -ke-ce  or  -kco,  and  -ce-k. 

The  second  form  is  either  attached  directly  to  the  stem  to 
express  a  recent  past  tense ;  or  it  is  added  to  the  preterite  suffixes 
-ce  or  -ke,  which  appear  to  indicate  a  more  remote  past. 

The  third  form,  when  immediate  to  the  stem,  indicates  present 
time.  It  also  follows  the  past  suffix  -naka,  which  Dr.  Tozzer 
interprets  as  a  perfect. 

First  form  of  subjective  suffixes: 
huwat-imi-t,  I  run  constantly 
wokec-i-t,  I  shall  go 
dobomi-n,  you  are  crazy 
yulu-in  a,  will  you  bite? 
muli-i-tok  a,  will  you  sing? 
muli-i-me,  we  shall  sing 
yulu-yi-m,  we  shall  bite 
hakaine-cakdco-t,  I  was  hungry 
itei  top-i-me,  we  shall  hit 
itci  a  hakaine-cak-me,  were  we  hungry? 
miko  a  hakaine-i-tokni,  will  ye  be  hungry? 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  285 

haline-i-ko,  they  will  be  sick 

haline-imi-su-n,  you  used  to  be  sick 

katce-ca-zo  liwa-ni-ko,  he  said  he  would  talk 

haline-i-tok  ane,  ye  might  be  sick 

tokla-bosa-i-te,  I  shall  hit  myself 

itci  osati  ete-ksoi-m,  we  had  a  girl 

itci  osati  ete-ma-yi-m,  we  shall  have  a  girl 

tcuku  yak-te,  or  yako-zo-te,  I  had  a  dog 

tiwa-i-ko  sumnenu-i,  they  will  bring  a  hat  (sombrero) 

wentete-i-me,  we  shall  sell  (Sp.  vender) 

owo-i-ko,  they  will  eat 

kani  mata-si-te,  I  am  shot 

mini  mata-si-yi-ni,  you  will  be  shot 

kani  mata-si-zo-te,  I  was  shot 

tokala-si-zo-te,  I  was  hit 

tokala-si-te,  I  am  hit 

itci  yiloa-si-me,  we  are  bitten 

miko  yiloa-si-zo-tokni,  ye  were  bitten 

kalto-i-te,  I  shall  dance 

hakaine-imi-so-te,  I  used  to  be  hungry 

hakaine-pa  6wo-i-te,  if  I  am  hungry,  I  will  eat 

masi  hakaine-pa-k,  owo-i-me,  if  we  are  hungry  we  will  eat 

hakaine-nit  owo-ni-no,  if  you  were  hungry,  you  would  eat 

ndka-ni-zo,  wokoe-i-te,  if  it  rains  ("its  raining"),  I  shall  go 

Second  form  of  subjective  suffixes: 
huwata-nti,  I  ran 
hedea-no,  did  you  see? 
yitna-nu,  did  you  kill? 
yulu-tcu,  we  bit 
yulu-ce-tco,  we  bit 
goyoka-te-no,  you  looked  at  me 
hwla-te-nu,  you  cut  me 
yulu-te-co,  he  bit  me 
ika-zo  tope-zo,  he  hit 
miko  tope-muko,  ye  hit 
tokla-te-zo,  he  hit  me 
mini  tokla-ni-zo,  he  hit  you 
ika-zo-i  tokla-ko-zo,  he  hit  him 
masi  nana  etea-me-zo,  the  man  saw  us 
toloye-nti  liwa-zo,  I  heard  her  talking 
moa-se-nti  wona-zo,  I  met  him  walking 
moa-tokni-zo  wona-muko,  he  met  you  walking 
moa-te-no  wona-nti,  you  met  me  walking 
haline-so-tco,  we  were  sick 
tiwa-nti  or  tiwa-se-nti,  I  bought 
wentete-no  or  wentete-ka-no,  you  sold 
mi  owo-no,  you  ate 
owo-tco,  we  ate 
minii-n  a  haline-ke-no,  were  you  sick? 


286        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

haline-ke-tco  a  itci-fi,  were  we  sick? 

kalto-zo,  he  danced 

eteya-ko-nti,  I  saw  him. 

muli-ni-no  tuyana-nti,  when  you  sang  ("your  singing"),  I  jumped 

moa-in-te  mega  wone-no,  I  will  meet  you  walking 

kani  ane  topu-pa-nti,  I  think  I  was  hit 
Third  form  of  subjective  suffixes : 

goyoku-m,  I  look 

hiila-mu,  I  cut 

hedeyi-m,  I  see 

•nrukcu-ma,  I  go 

huwate-ma,  I  run 

yina-naka-ma,  I  killed 

huwate-ti,  let  us  run 

uhu-ti,  let  us  drink 

min-to  yina-naka-tok,  where  did  ye  kill? 

muli-saino-ma,  I  wish  to  sing 

muli-saino-ano-ma,  I  do  not  wish  to  sing 

hoyako-wo,  he  is  laughing 

tokla-bosa-s,  you  hit  yourself 

mi  a  hakaine-s,  are  you  hungry? 

hakaine-ti,  we  are  hungry 

ika-ko  hakaine-pu,  they  are  hungry 

mi  tope-s  tcuku-i,  you  are  hitting  the  dog 

kani  a  hakaine-naka-ma,  have  I  been  hungry? 

katco-wo  haline-wo,  he  says  he  is  sick 

haline-toksu,  ye  are  sick 

ika-ko  woko-saino-pu,  they  wish  to  go 

kani  hoyak-saino-ma,  I  want  to  laugh 

muli-saino-wo,  he  wishes  to  sing 

tiwa-vro  somnenu-i,  he  buys  a  hat 

tiwa-naka-pu,  they  bought 

wentete-ma  pulaka-i,  I  am  selling  the  basket 

6wo-s,  you  are  eating 

mata-pu,  they  are  killing 

mata-naka-wo,  he  killed 

kalto-pu,  they  are  dancing 

eteya-te-wo,  he  sees  me 

eteya-ni-ma,  I  see  you 

kani  ane  topu-pa-ma,  I  think  I  am  hit 
Examples  of  objective  forms,  additional  to  those  already  given : 

goyoka-ni-t,  I  saw  you 

hiila-ni-t,  I  cut  you 

kutcikce-waco-ni-t,  I  did  not  like  you 

goyoka-te-no,  you  look  at  me 

hwla-c-te-ko,  he  stabbed  me 

wiku-te-cu,  his  taking  me 

dobe-tii,  tcupta-nto,  throw  it  at  me! 

goyoke-to,  look  at  me! 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  287 


VERB. 

The  "inflection"  of  the  verb  for  person  consists  of  the 
addition  of  the  pronominal  affixes  just  discussed. 

The  following  derivational,  modal,  and  temporal  elements, 
all  suffixes,  have  been  found: 

-ne,  causative 

-ce,  -kce,  -caino,  desiderative 

-imi,  continuative 

-uni,  -ani,  potential 

-anu,  -cewa,  negative 

-bo,  -bo-sa,  reflexive 

-ce,  -cu,  -ke,  -kco,  -cak,  past 

-naka,  past,  perhaps  perfect 

-i,  future 

-si,  -pa,  passive 

Dr.  Tozzer  sometimes  writes  the  potential  or  dubitative  ani 
as  a  separate  particle  before  or  after  the  verb.  The  subject  of 
the  verb  in  the  potential  usually  has  the  possessive  case-suffix. 

The  order  of  suffixes  is:  derivative,  modal,  temporal.  The 
desiderative  and  negative  precede  those  that  express  mode  and 
tense.  The  potential,  the  passive,  and  the  usitative  come  before 
the  preterite  and  future  suffixes.  Last  of  all  in  the  verb  are  the 
objective  and  then  the  subjective  designations  of  person. 

huwate-ne-i-t,  I  will  make  him  run 

goyok-cu-m,  I  want  to  see 

mi'  a  tuina-kco,  do  you  wish  to  jump? 

tuina-kce-anu-m,  I  do  not  wish  to  jump 

uhu-kca-nu  mi',  you  do  not  wish  to  drink 

uhuk-imi,  he  drinks  constantly 

tuyan-imi-t,  I  jump  constantly 

yina-an-uni-t  kannw-n,  I  cannot  kill  him 

tuyan-cewa-t,  I  do  not  jump 

kutei-kce-anu-m,  I  do  not  like  him  (good-wish-not-I) 

yina-ciwa-cd-n,  you  did  not  kill  it 

kaune-naka-ma,  I  shouted 

liwa-ni-nd  a,  can  you  talk? 

howato-ni-kd  a,  can  they  run? 

wdke-bo-sa-nti,  I  burned  myself 

heka-bo,  to  wash  one's  self 

sakizd-bo,  to  comb  one's  self 


288         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

The  suffix  -ne,  to  be  distinguished  from  causative  -ne,  has 
verbal  force  on  adjective  or  intransitive  stems. 

kutci-ne-ma,  I  am  good 
hakai-ne-ma,  I  am  hungry 
hali-ne-ma,  I  am  sick 

The  interrogative  is  indicated  by  the  particle  a.  This  is 
regularly  the  second  word  in  the  sentence;  but  far  from  being 
enclitic,  usually  carries  the  heaviest  accent  in  the  phrase. 
Instances  occur  among  examples  previously  given. 

In  certain  verbs  the  stem  in  the  future  appears  to  end  in  a 
consonant,  while  in  the  past  and  present  a  final  vowel  appears. 
In  some  instances  this  is  brought  about  by  a  shift  of  the  second 
stem-vowel  to  a  place  after  the  final  consonant. 

Present  and  Past  Future 

wukcu-  wokec-i 

kaune-  kauin-i 

huwate-  huwat-i 

tuyane-  tuyan-i 

yila-  yil-i 

tope-  top-i 

eteya  etey-i 

In  Northern  Sierra  Miwok  the  verb  is  certainly  as  truly 
conjugated  or  inflected  as  in  any  Indo-European  language.  The 
existence  of  three  forms  of  personal  endings  whose  employment 
depends  on  ideas  of  tense,  and  the  differentiation  of  all  of  these 
from  the  independent  pronouns,  make  it  impossible  to  describe 
the  language  as  "agglutinating." 


VERB    STEMS. 

Verb  stems  are  generally  disyllabic,  unless  those  so  far 
determined  should  ultimately  prove  to  contain  affixes  of  motion, 
shape,  direction,  or  instrument,  of  which  possibility  there  is  no 
present  indication  whatever. 

ame,  give  birth  doklo,   tokla,   strike   with   fist, 

ameto,  beg  knock  down 

dekma.  tekme,  kick  duka,  dttka,  pierce 

depa,  cut  ete,  etea,  eteyo,  hete,  hideye, 

dobe,  throw  see,  look  at 

dobome,  crazy  etepo,  lie  on  stomach 


1911] 


Krocber :  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


289 


hakai,  hungry 

ball,  sick 

haye,  touch 

heka,  wash 

henne,  ask  for 

hili,  pinch 

hinuwo,  gamble  grass  game 

hdge,  bet 

hotse,  hiccough 

hdya,  laugh 

hukaye,  smell 

hupa,  roll 

huwa-epo,  hasten 

huwa-te,  run 

huya,  start,  leave,  arrive 

huyaku,  strike 

hwla,  stab 

kalte,  dance 

kata,  shut 

kauin,  kaune,  shout 

kelpe,  swallow 

kole-nak,  cough 

kona,  bark 

kope,  open 

koyok,  goyok,  see,  look 

kopa,  pull 

kusu,  sit  with  stretched  leg 

kute,  kuta,  gute,  push,  knock 

with  hand 
kuyage,  whistle 
late,  suck 
latci,  chop  (Spanish  la  hacha, 

the  ax) 
lepa,  bury 
liwa,  talk 
lokta,  sneeze 
lometa,  fall 
lutsu,  ascend 
mata,  shoot,  kill    (Spanish 

matarf) 
moa,  meet 
mole,  spill 
motea,  hide 
muli,  moli,  sing 
mulagu,  wash  face 
nawu,  dress 
nepye,  swallow 
nete,  count 


nipito,  sit  with  folded  leg 

noted,  notcu,  cry,  whine 

nuzu,  mizu(t),  undress 

okye,  make  basket 

ole,  dig 

d'wd,  eat,  bite 

pakal,  pay  (Spanish  pagar) 

petafie,  throw  away 

pilapa,  pinch 

puu,  squat 

sakizd,  comb 

sdtcaya,  shine 

sd'tceld,  lie  on  side 

sutwa,  break  a  string 

takya,  hit  with  stick,  whip 

taswa,  break 

temanu,  cross 

tiwa,  buy 

tizd'ye,  scratch 

toloye,  hear 

td'tci,  believe,  wish 

tuka,  spit 

tupi,  press 

tuyan,  tuina,  jump 

tcamza,  die 

tcime,  climb 

tcunuza,  slide 

tcupta,  throw  endwise 

uhu,  drink 

uku,  enter 

uktcu,  dream 

unu,  come,  return 

utcu,  stay 

weli,  catch 

welza,  hunt  for 

wentete,  sell  (Spanish  vender) 

wilano,  steal 

wokec,  wukuc,  wokcu,  go 

woke,  burn 

wokle,  swallow 

wona,  walk 

yana,  sleep,  lie  on  back 

yild,  yila,  yulu,  bite 

yina,  yunu,  kill 

yiya,  shake 

ydtki,  hang 

yuhu,  swing 

yutme,  claw 


290        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

DEMONSTRATIVES. 

The  stems  corresponding  to  this  and  that  are  ne  and  no.  Ne 
and  no  have  been  found,  both  as  substantives  and  adjectives, 
only  with  the  ending  -i;  as  adverb,  here,  ne  occurs  with  the 
ending  -to,  -kkato.  From  no  is  derived  no'-m,  there.  The  pos- 
sessive case  of  both  stems  is  formed  by  the  ending  -cw-fi — com- 
pare mi-nw-n,  from  mi,  you.  The  possessive  plural  is  ne-ko-n 
and  no-kko-n. 

Another  demonstrative  stem  denotive  either  of  greater  dis- 
tance than  no,  or  of  reference  rather  than  position,  appears 
to  be  i-. 

iga-c-i  naiia-i,  that  man 
imaka-ma,  there,  from  there 
isako-to,  there 

To  these  forms  are  related  Dr.  Tozzer's  ika-zo  and  ika-ko, 
usually  given  in  translation  for  "he"  and  "they."  "He"  also 
appears  several  times  as  igas  or  iga. 

The  interrogatives  are  mana,  who,  ti'nw,  what,  mini,  where, 
mitan,  when.  Min-to  is  used  for  mini  when  the  sentence  contains 
a  verb.  Somebody's  is  mana-ko-n,  somewhere  mini-mta.  How 
large,  is  miniwitci ;  how,  is  mitciksu. 

NUMERALS. 

The  numerals,  when  accompanying  animate  nouns,  take  the 
plural  suffix:  oyica-k.  They  also  receive  case  suffixes:  tolokocu-i. 
They  also  enter  into  composition:  toloko-ma-i,  oyica-ma-i,  three 
times,  four  days;  toloko'-me,  Ave  three,  three  persons.  "Each" 
is  -ameni :  otiko-ameni,  two  each. 

SUBORDINATION. 

Dependent  clauses  have  been  mentioned  as  being  indicated 
by  the  possessive  case-suffix.  Either  this  is  added  to  the  subject, 
the  verb  receiving  a  possessive  instead  of  a  subjective  pro- 
nominal ending,  so  that  the  construction  is  really  nominal- 
possessive;  or,  to  express  a  temporal  clause,  the  case-suffix  is 
added  to  the  verb,  pronominal  ending  and  all. 

mina-n  yulu-no,  (I  saw)  your  your-biting 

sake-nti-n  huwata-co,  my  friend  ran,  literally,  my  friend's  running 

tolyok-cu-ke-te-n,  after  I  had  listened,  literally,  of  my  listening 


1911] 


Eroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


291 


ORDER   OF    WORDS. 

The  order  of  words  in  the  sentence  is  not  rigid.  The  verb 
sometimes  is  first,  sometimes  last.  Local  modifier  and  object 
both  precede  and  follow  the  verb.  Connective  words  have  not 
been  observed. 


Sawalo-to 

On  Saturday 

mokelumne-m 

To  Mokelumne  Hill 

wolucprinu-m 

to  Valley  Spring. 

huya-ke-nti 

I  arrived 

wiku-ke-te-cti 

his  taking  me 

polaia-fi       hake 


TEXT. 

hoya-na-ke-nti            stedji-to  tcume-nti 

I  started.                            On  the  stage  I  rode. 

huya-ke-nti           mokelumne-mo  wukuc-it 

I  arrived.                    From  Mokelumne  Hill  I  went 

wolucprinu-mo            tcume-nti  lelotu-to 

From  Valley  Spring                         I  rode  on  the  railroad. 

sanhose-im          wolucprinu-mo  sanhose-mo 

at  San  Jose                    from  Valley  Spring.  From  San  Jose 

Kelsi-n        tcummatc        wukucu  imaka-ma 

Mr.  Kelsey's                 south                       went.  From  there 

-cii       wiikuc-e-nti       imaka-ma       huya-yi-ke-nti 


its  close 


I  went. 


From  there 


I  went 


maunthomoni-mo         tolokocu         oyisa-i         tanalo-i         uke-nti 

to  Mt.  Hermon  three  four  tunnels      I  went  through 

huya-ke-t      isako-to     maunthomon-mo      toloko-mai      utcu-se-nti 

I  arrived  there  at  Mt.  Hermon.  Three  days  I  stayed. 

tolyok-cu-ke-nti       hayapo-ko-n      liwa-kco-ko      tolyok-cu-ke-te-n 

I  listened  chiefs'  their  speaking.  After  listening 

wnu-ce-nti      sanhose-m      hwya-ke-nti      Kelsi-n      unu-ku-ke-te-co 

I  returned.  At  San  Jose  I  arrived  Mr.  Kelsey's  his  bringing  me 

sanfransisko-mo    imaka-ma    toloko-mai    oyica-mai    utcux-se-nti 


to  San  Francisco. 


There 


three  days 


four  days 


I  stayed. 


heteyi-yi-ke-nti        coke-i       lapicayu-i        wcwmati        heteye-nti 


I  saw 

anything, 

wafia-ko-i 

many 

uye  'ayi-ko-i      co1 

Americans, 

heteye-nti 

I  saw. 

wukuc-e-nti       hii 

I  went                        < 

haiapo-to 

at  chief 

ututi        kotca-i 

large                house. 

fish,                           bear  I  saw, 

cowu-ko-i       heteye-nti  sakacti-ko-i 

shows                      I  saw,  circuses 

m-m       toloko-mai  utcuk-ce-te-n 

east                   three  days  after  staying 


292         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


II.  MIWOK  DIALECTS. 

Dr.  Barrett,  in  determining  the  three  areas  formerly  occupied 
by  the  Miwok,5  has  established  also  the  principal  dialects.  In 
the  coast  region  immediately  north  of  the  Golden  Gate,  two 
closely  related  dialects  are  spoken,  called  by  Dr.  Barrett  the 
Marin  or  Southern  Coast  and  the  Bodega  or  Western  Coast 
dialects.  The  speech  of  the  Lake  county  area  is  not  very 
divergent  from  these,  and  constitutes  the  Lake  or  Northern 
Coast  dialect.  All  the  Coast  dialects  form  a  unit  as  compared 
with  the  Interior  division.  This  group  is  divisible  first  of  all 
into  a  Plains  or  Northwestern  dialect  on  the  one  hand,  and  a 
group  of  foothill  or  Sierra  dialects  on  the  other.  The  Sierra 
group  consists  of  three  dialects,  a  Northern  or  Northeastern,  a 
Central,  and  a  Southern ;  or  respectively  Amador,  Tuolumne,  and 
Mariposa.  Of  these  the  Southern  is  the  most  divergent  though 
less  so  from  the  two  others  than  the  Plains  language.  The 
Northern  and  Central  dialects  are  similar,  though  evidently  not 
to  the  same  degree  as  the  Marin  and  Bodega  on  the  Coast.  Minor 
subdialectic  differences,  as  within  the  Mariposa  dialect,  are  slight. 

So  much  is  apparent  from  a  comparison  of  the  vocabularies 
collected  for  the  purpose.  Grouping  together  the  Marin  and 
Bodega  dialects  on  account  of  their  close  affiliation,  the  main 
linguistic  divisions  of  the  Miwok,  with  their  designations  by 
Dr.  Barrett  and  Dr.  C.  Hart  Merriam,6  are  the  following: 

Lake  or  Northern  Coast ;  Dr.  Merriam 's  Tuleamme. 

Marin-Bodega  or  Southern  and  Western  Coast ;  Dr.  Merriam 's  Hookooeko, 
including  the  Lekahtewutko  and  Olamentko. 

Plains  or  Northwestern  Sierra;  Dr.  Merriam 's  Mewko,  comprising  the 
Mokozumne,  Mokalumne,  Ochehak,  and  others. 

Amador  or  Northeastern  or  Northern  Sierra;  Dr.  Merriam 's  Northern 
Mewuk. 

Tuolumne  or  Central  Sierra;  Dr.  Merriam 's  Middle  Mewuk. 

Mariposa  or  Southern  Sierra;  Dr.  Merriam 's  Southern  Mewuk. 


s  Miwok  is  the  name  applied  to  themselves  by  the  people  of  the  interior 
only.  It  was  so  used  by  Stephen  Powers.  Powell,  in  his  appendix  to 
Powers,  called  both  Miwok  and  Costanoan  people  Mutsun.  Subsequently, 
in  "Indian  Linguistic  Families,"  he  abandoned  Mutsun  and  called  the 
Miwok  family  Moquelumnan. 

«  Am.  Anthr.,  n.s.  IX,  338-357  and  map,  1907. 


1911]  Kroeoer:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  293 

So  far  as  is  possible  in  simple  series,  this  order  represents 
both  the  geographical  position  of  the  dialects,  in  order  from 
northwest  to  southeast,  and  their  linguistic  similarities.  Thus 
the  Lake  seems  more  removed  than  the  other  Coast  dialects  from 
the  interior  division.  The  Plains  dialect  is  the  nearest  of  the 
interior  division,  lexically  as  well  as  geographically,  to  the  Coast 
division.  Within  the  interior  group  the  contiguous  Northern 
Sierra  is  the  most  similar,  and  the  remote  Southern  Sierra  the 
most  dissimilar,  to  the  Plains  dialect. 

Grammatical  material  for  comparison  of  the  various  Miwok 
dialects  is  available  in  Dr.  Barrett's  vocabularies  and  the  miscel- 
laneous earlier  ones;  in  notes  made  by  the  author  on  five  of  the 
dialects;  in  information  collected  by  Professor  E.  B.  Dixon  on 
the  Central  Sierra  dialect  and  kindly  placed  at  the  writer's 
disposal;  and  in  Gatschet's  article  on  the  grammar  of  the 
Southern  Sierra  dialect.7 

COMPARATIVE    PHONETICS. 

All  four  of  the  interior  dialects  possess  0  and  u.  The  Coast 
dialects  lack  these  sounds,8  which  are  also  wanting  in  the 
Costanoan  languages.  This  difference  is  a  reflection  of  linguistic 
environment.  Besides  the  interior  Miwok,  the  Maidu,  Yokuts, 
and  Chumash,  all  in  contact  with  Shoshonean  languages,  have 
these  characteristically  Shoshonean  vowels.  Nearer  the  coast, 
Yuki,  Porno,  and  Wintun  lack  them. 

At  least  e  and  o  are  open  in  quality. 

Sonant  stops  are  difficult  to  distinguish  from  surds  in  all 
Miwok  dialects,  as  in  Costanoan,  the  two  classes  being  less  differ- 
entiated than  in  Maidu,  Washo,  and  Porno,  in  which  their 
relation  is  more  nearly  as  in  English. 

In  the  interior  dialects  the  two  positions  of  t  are  close 
together,  and  the  sounds  difficult  to  distinguish.  In  the  Coast 


i  Specimen  of  the  Chumeto  Language.  American  Antiquarian,  V,  72, 
173,  1883. 

s  As  written  by  Dr.  Barrett.  The  writer  has  recorded  kanni  or  kannit, 
I,  kawul  or  kawtil,  night,  huma,  huma,  or  homa,  no,  untti-ko,  people.  In 
the  Plains  dialect  6  and  u  are  perhaps  also  of  less  distinct  quality  than  in 
the  Sierras,  as  an  obscure  o  and  u  were  generally  recorded  instead. 


294         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

idiom,  one  t  is  dental,  the  other,  represented  by  t-,  post-alveolar 
or  palatal,  almost  like  the  affricative  tc,  so  that  the  difference 
between  the  two  sounds  is  more  readily  perceptible,  as  in  Cos- 
tanoan. 

In  the  Coast  dialect  the  impression  was  received  that  s  and  c 
may  be  but  one  sound. 

Doubling  or  lengthening  of  consonants,  already  mentioned  as 
found  in  Northern  Sierra,  occurs  frequently  in  all  dialects, 
though  but  irregularly  recorded.  Compare  Central  Sierra  mulli, 
sing,  Plains  uccu,  drink,  Coast  elli,  see,  luppu,  stone. 

The  posterior  palatal  nasal  n  occurs  medially  in  the  three 
Sierra  dialects,  but  is  replaced  by  n  in  Coast  and  Plains.  Com- 
pare Sierra  and  Plums: 

one  kene  kenatii  (Coast  kene) 

knee  hofioyu  honoi 

leg  tufiu  tuna 

earthhouse  hafii  hanepu 

The  dialects  actually  on  the  Coast,  that  is  Marin  and  Bodega, 
at  times  show  a  y  corresponding  to  1  of  Lake,  Plains,  and  Sierra. 

koya,  girl,  L  kola 

koyo,  leg,  L,  P,  S  kolo 

meye,  bird,  L  mele 

oye,  coyote,  L,  P,  S  ole,  ole- 

Another,  more  irregular,  correspondence  is  of  n,  1,  t,  y,  s. 

two:  ot-,  oy-,  os- 

large:  utu-,  unu-  oya- 

white  man:  uten-,  alen-,  utel- 

tongue:  nepit,  letip  (with  metathesis) 

As  Dr.  Barrett  has  pointed  out,  s  frequently  changes  to  h  in 
the  Southern  Sierra  dialect. 

No  dialect  shows  words  either  beginning  or  ending  in  more 
than  one  consonant.  In  the  Sierra  dialects  almost  all  words  that 
may  be  supposed  to  be  stems,  such  as  simple  nouns,  end  vocali- 
cally.  On  the  plains  and  coast  the  corresponding  words  often 
end  in  consonants. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  295 

nose,  Sierra  huku,  Coast  and  Plains  huk 
tooth,  Sierra  kutu,  Coast  and  Plains  kut 
night,  Sierra  kawulu,  Coast  and  Plains  kawul 
water.  Sierra  kiku,  Coast  and  Plains  kik 
louse,  Sierra  ketu,  Coast  ket,  Plains  ken 
tongue,  Sierra  nepitu,  Coast  letip,  Plains  nepit 

It  is  probable  that  the  Sierra  final  vowel  -u  is  secondary,  and 
that  the  original  form  of  the  stem  of  such  words  ended  con- 
sonantal! y. 

In  Southern  Sierra  some  consonantally-ending  words  do  not 
show  the  final  -u  of  the  two  northern  Sierra  dialects,  but  this 
may  be  the  effect  of  slurred  pronunciation.  The  northern 
dialects  present  -u  even  on  such  stems  as  honoi,  knee,  melnai, 
wasp,  lapisai,  fish. 

While  their  stems  thus  end  vocalically,  the  three  Sierra 
dialects  however  possess  grammatical  suffixes  that  are  conson- 
antal, such  as  -t,  my,  -n,  the  possessive  case,  -m,  the  terminalis, 
and  -k,  the  plural. 

In  all  dialects  simple  nouns  and  verb  stems  are  rarely  mono- 
syllabic. 

PLURAL. 

The  usual  plural  of  animate  nouns9  is  -k  in  Central  as  in 
Northern  Sierra;  Plains,  Coast,  and  Lake  show  -ko,  of  which 
occasional  instances  have  also  been  given  in  Northern  Sierra. 
The  Southern  Sierra  idiom  alone  possesses  a  totally  different 
formation  for  the  plural,  of  which  no  trace  has  appeared  in  any 
other  dialect,  just  as  no  instance  of  -k  has  been  found  in  Southern 
Sierra.10  The  plural  of  nouns  is  formed  in  this  dialect  most 
frequently  by  -ya,  sometimes  by  -ti  or  -yati ;  the  plural  of  verbs 
and  adjectives  usually  by  -ti.  In  the  formation  of  the  plural 
in  nouns,  there  is  probably  usually  a  change  of  accent,  resulting 
at  times  in  the  dropping  or  moving  of  vowels.  Occasionally 
there  are  irregularities. 


9  Inanimate  nouns  show  the  suffix  only  occasionally. 

10  That  is,  in  the  noun, — except  hiso,  hair,  plural  hiso-k.     The  pro- 
nominal and  demonstrative  forms  miko,  neiko,  iniko,  no  doubt  contain  the 
suffix. 


296        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

ami-ya-nti,  my  mothers 
oha-ya-nti,  my  wives 
huggo-ya,  heads 
nito-ya,  noses 
yane-ya,  bows 
tisso-ya,  tisso-ti,  hands 
noaha-ti,  knives  (Spanish) 
utcu-ti,  houses 
yiita-yati,  evenings 
lokka-yati,  summers 
hika-yati,  deer, 
nan-taya,  men  (naiia) 
ox-taya,  women  (oxa) 
tuhuhi-ti,  black 
oyani-ti,  large 

huate-ti,  run  (plural  subject) 
ua-ti,  eat  (plural  object) 
uhhu-ti,  drink  (plural  object) 

Numerous  other  instances  are  given  in  Gatschet's  vocabu- 
lary.11 

The  following  illustrate  the  shift  of  the  accent : 

your  nail,  ha'la-no,  pi.  hala'-ya-no 

your  belly,  otce'-no,  pi.  otee-ya'-no 

bow,  ya'we,  pi.  yawe'-ya 

ax,  la'tca,  pi.  latca'-ya  (Sp.  la  hacha) 

sun,  wa'tu,  pi.  watu'-ya 

star,  tcala'to,  pi.  tcaltu'-yate 

fly,  u'tcum,  pi.  utcmu'-ya 

salmon,  ko'sum,  pi.  kosmu'-ti 

Southern  Sierra  nouns  take  the  plural  whether  animate  or 
inanimate ;  the  -k,  -ko  suffix  of  the  other  dialects  has  been  found 
chiefly  on  stems  denoting  animate  beings. 

The  radical  difference  of  the  Southern  Sierra  dialect  from 
all  others  in  the  formation  of  the  plural  is  remarkable.  The 
suffixion  of  -ya  with  shift  of  accent  and  occasional  modification 
of  the  word,  recalls  the  Yokuts  plural  in  -i  or  -a  with  accom- 
paniment of  similar  though  more  developed  changes.  The  suffix 
-ti  suggests  the  Salinan  plural,  which  while  irregular  is  most 
frequently  produced  by  the  suffixion,  or  apparent  infixion  near 
the  end  of  the  word,  of  1  or  t.  Yokuts  is  adjacent  to  the 
Southern  Sierra  dialect,  and  Salinan  is  not  far  distant.  A 


11  Powers,  Contrib.  N.  A.  Ethnol.,  Ill,  539,  1877. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  297 

plural  of  verbs  such  as  Southern  Sierra  possesses  is  found  in 
Salinan  and  in  Costanoan,12  but  no  trace  of  anything  of  the  kind 
appears  in  the  material  collected  by  Drs.  Tozzer,  Dixon,  and 
the  author  in  the  other  Miwok  dialects. 


CASE    ENDINGS. 

The  principal  case-suffixes  are: 

S.  Sierra  C.  Sierra  N.  Sierra  Plains       S.  Coatt              Costanoan 

Objective             -i  -i  -i  -tc              -tc,-t-  -c,  -se,  -e,  -ne 

Possessive           -ii  -n  -n  -nu,  -xno  -n 

Locative              -to,  -t  -t  -to  -to  -tak,  -tka,  -ta 

Ablative  -mu  -mo  -mo  -mu  -mo     ) 

,.     >  -m,  -me.  -mo13 
Termmahs          -m,  -ma  -m,  -am   -m  -m'e  -m17     J 

Instrumental       -s  -s  -su  -cu  -cu          -sum,  -um,  -yum 

Comitative  -li  -ko'ta 

The  significance  of  several  of  the  suffixes  does  not  appear  to 
be  rigidly  limited  even  within  any  one  dialect. 

An  ending  -wit  or  -win,  sometimes  replacing  or  replaced  by 
-m,  has  been  found  on  terms  of  direction  in  almost  all  dialects. 

Southern  and  Central  Sierra  olo-win,  "west,"  Northern  Sierra  olo-wit, 
Plains  etca-wit. 

Coast  olo-m,  Lake  olo-m-wali,  "south." 

Southern  and  Central  Sierra  hisu-m,  hihu-m,  "east,"  Northern  Sierra 
hisu-m,  hisu-wit,  Plains  huke-wit. 

Southern  Sierra  ne-win,  "east,  upstream." 


PRONOMINAL   FORMS. 

The  known  pronominal  forms  in  the  several  dialects  have 
been  brought  together  in  the  appended  table. 

It  appears  that  the  four  interior  dialects  agree  in  expressing 
all  indications  of  person,  except  in  the  independent  or  emphatic 


12  By  the  suffixion  or  infixion  of  -s,  in  the  Mutsun  or  San  Juan  Bautista 
dialect. 

is  General  locative 

i*  Given  as  superessive. 

IB  Given  as  inessive. 

i«  Locative  and  comitative  also. 

IT  On  olo-m,  south. 


298         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

pronoun,  by  suffixes.  On  the  coast  this  synthetic  trait  largely 
disappears.  It  is  true  that  the  subjective  and  possessive  pro- 
nouns are  prefixed  and  the  objective  suffixed  in  the  Southern 
Coast  dialect,  but  the  affixion  of  all  is  quite  loose,  and  perhaps 
better  described  as  accentless  collocation. 

A  second  distinctive  feature  of  the  interior  dialects  is  the 
existence  of  three  series  of  subjective  suffixes,  the  choice  between 
which  is  dependent  on  tense  and  mode.  In  the  Northern  Sierra 
dialect  that  series  which  has  been  designated  as  the  first  is 
practically  identical  with  the  objective  suffixes,  the  second  with 
the  possessive,  while  the  third  is  distinct  from  both.  In  Central 
Sierra  and  Plains,  the  first  series  is  also  essentially  a  duplicate 
of  the  objective  forms.  An  equivalent  of  the  Northern  second 
series  has  not  yet  been  found  in  Plains,  while  the  Central  second 
series  is  entirely  different  from  the  Northern,  and  but  partially 
similar  to  its  own  possessive  suffixes.  The  third  series,  which  is 
everywhere  unconnected  with  either  possessive  or  objective 
forms,  is  characterized  by  -m  in  the  first  person  singular,  -s  in 
the  second  singular,  and  -p  in  the  third  plural.  It  is  found  with 
but  little  variation  in  Plains,  Northern,  and  Central  Sierra,  and 
seems  to  be  represented  also  in  Southern  Sierra. 

On  the  coast,  there  is  no  indication  of  three  subjective  series, 
as  indeed  might  be  expected  from  the  analytical  or  at  most 
loosely  synthetic  character  of  the  pronominal  forms.  In  the 
table,  the  subjective  prefixes  of  the  Southern  Coast  dialect  have 
been  coordinated  with  the  second  subjective  series  only  because 
of  their  identity  with  the  possessive  prefixes;  it  is  not  certain 
that  they  correspond  genetically  to  the  interior  second  series 

more  than  to  the  first  or  third. 

4 

S.  Sierra  C.  Sierra  N.  Sierra  Plains  S.  Coast 


Independent 

I 

kanni 

kanni 

kanni 

kanni 

kanni 

thou 

mi 

mi' 

mi' 

mi' 

mi' 

we 

mahi 

masi18 

maci 

maci1' 

mako 

/•>•<•;  4-  4 

f\  4-  1  -f  /»  i  Ir 

1  +/»! 

i  +  ni 

ye  miko  miko  miko  moko20  miko 

18  Or  otim. 

19  Maci-mi-tc,  objective  plural. 

20  Or  moko-tokni. 


1911] 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


299 


S.  Sierra 


C.  Sierra 


N.  Sierra 


Plains 


S.  Coast 


Possessive 

my                  -nti 

-kan 

-nti,  -t 

-ka 

ka- 

thy                  -nu 

-n 

-no 

-nu,  -in 

un- 

his                   -hu 

-s 

-co 

-cu,  -ic 

ue- 

our                  -ti 

-ti 

-ma 

-mac 

ma- 

f  ni 

tilr 

.    •• 

-ici 
your 

-LlK 

-mok 

-moko 

-mok 

mikon 

their               -hu 

-k 

-ko 

-ik 

Subjective  1 

I 

-t 

-t,  -te 

-t 

thou                -ni 

-n 

-n,  -ni 

-n 

he 

-ka 

L-      VA 

-K,  -KO, 

we                  -m 

-m 

-m,  -me 

-m 

ye                   -toxni 

-ton 

-tok,  -tokni 

they 

-k22 

-ko 

-k 

Subjective  2 

I 

-k28 

-nti* 

ka-,  k> 

thou 

-s 

-no 

un- 

he 



-co 

UC-,  C- 

we 

-kti 

-ma 

ma- 

-ktitc 

-teo 



ye 

-ktos 

-muko 

mikon- 

they 

-P 

-ko 

Subjective  3 

I                     -ma,  -m 

-m 

-m,  -ma 

-m 

thou 

-s 

-s 

he 



-wo 



we 

-ti 

-ti 

-mac 

-titc 

ye 

-tos 

-toksu 

-tokun 

they              -pu 

•P 

-pu 

-P 

Objective 

me 

-t 

-t,  -te 

-t,  -ti 

-kanni21 

thee 

-n 

-n,  -ni 

-n,  -ni 

-mi 

him 



-k,  -ko,  -wo 

-t,  

us 

-m 

-m,  -me 

-muk 

-mako 

you 

-ton 

-tok,  -tokni 

them 



-k,  -ko 

I-tJiee                  musu 

mos 

mucu 

cima 

I-you 

mutos 

mutokcu 

cimatoku 

21  Found  only  after  the  future  suffix  -i. 

22  Takes  the  form  -ko  after  the  future  suffix  -i. 

as  The  second  series  subjective  do  not  correspond  in  Central  and 
Northern  Sierra. 

2*  The  single  subjective  series,  in  the  Coast  dialect,  is  identical  with 
the  possessive  prefixes. 

26  Evidently  the  objective  forms  of  the  Coast  dialect  are  merely  the 
independent  pronouns  suffixed  or  postposed  to  the  verb. 


300        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

MEANING  OF  THE  SUBJECTIVE  FORMS. 

The  three  distinct  series  of  subjective  affixes  suggest  a  feature 
which  is  found  in  other  languages  and  has  sometimes  been 
erroneously  interpreted.  In  some  American  tongues  the  sub- 
jective personal  elements  used  with  the  verb  are  partly  or  wholly 
the  same  as  the  possessive  forms  employed  with  nouns.  In  other 
idioms  certain  of  the  subjective  elements,  especially  the  in- 
transitive ones,  resemble  the  objective  forms  or  are  identical 
with  them.  An  explanation  that  is  plausible  rather  than  sub- 
stantial has  repeatedly  been  made  for  such  phenomena.  It  is 
said  that  in  such  languages  the  verb  is  essentially  a  noun,  or  the 
intransitive  verb  in  reality  impersonal  and  transitive,  the  form 
"I  eat"  being  literally  "my  eating,"  and  "I  am  sick"  more 
correctly  "it  is  sick  to  me."  This  view  must  be  vigorously 
opposed  on  general  grounds,  except  where  it  is  capable  of  proof 
by  specific  evidence.  It  would  be  just  as  reasonable  to  interpret 
"my  food"  as  "I  food."  Our  own  Aryan  languages  of  course 
do  not  permit  the  phrase  "I  food"  as  they  do  allow  "my  eat- 
ing," but  this  circumstance  is  of  no  moment  in  an  American 
tongue.  It  is  saner,  if  less  enticing,  to  look  upon  the  several 
series  of  pronominal  forms  that  many  languages  possess,  as 
essentially  significant  only  of  person,  and  as  primarily  undiffer- 
entiated  as  to  subjective,  possessive,  and  objective  relation.  In 
certain  types  of  language  such  differentiation  of  form  may  serve 
no  purpose  and  may  therefore  not  occur.  In  other  cases  the 
presence  of  two  or  more  pronominal  elements  in  the  same  word, 
or  perhaps  other  circumstances,  may  cause  the  existence  of 
several  series  of  forms  to  be  necessary  or  advantageous.  When- 
ever, in  such  languages,  a  word  contains  only  one  pronominal 
element,  as  in  the  possessed  noun  or  the  intransitive  verb,  it 
must  then  be  a  matter  of  indifference  to  intelligibility  which 
form  is  drawn  upon.  "I,"  "my,"  and  "me"  in  the  native 
words  for  "I  eat,"  "my  food,"  and  "bites  me"  would  in  such 
case  not  mean  the  same  as  their  Aryan  equivalents,  but  would 
only  be  indicative  of  the  first  person,  their  grammatical  force 
being  a  function  rather  of  their  position  in  the  word  or  phrase, 
the  part  of  speech  to  which  they  were  joined,  its  logical  meaning 


3911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  301 

or  some  similar  circumstance.  As  a  matter  of  fact  there  are 
abundant  instances  of  identity  respectively  of  possessive  and 
objective,  possessive  and  transitive  subjective,  and  intransitive 
and  transitive  subjective  pronominal  forms,  which  no  one  would 
think  of  explaining  by  Indo-European  analogy. 

It  may  be  objected  that  even  in  synthetic  languages  the  co- 
existence of  several  series  of  pronominal  elements  would  be 
impossible  except  as  they  originated  from  a  difference  in  function 
such  as  that  provided  by  the  subjective,  objective,  and  posses- 
sive relations.  But  the  ultimate  origin  of  the  several  sets  of 
pronominal  forms  can  probably  be  ascertained  in  but  few 
languages,  and  is  therefore  generally  a  matter  of  pure  specula- 
tion. Even  if  the  original  meaning  of  a  form  translatable  by 
"I  eat"  had  been,  in  any  particular  idiom,  "my  eating,"  it 
would  be  a  grave  error  to  assume,  in  the  absence  of  direct  and 
positive  evidence,  that  it  still  possessed  that  meaning.  There  is 
normally  little  connection,  in  any  language,  between  the  present 
force  of  a  word  or  affix  and  its  "original"  function  and  meaning. 

Miwok  bears  on  this  general  question  through  the  fact  that 
at  least  in  certain  dialects  one  of  its  series  of  subjective  pro- 
nominal elements  resembles  the  objective,  another  the  possessive, 
while  the  third,  differing  from  both,  might  be  interpreted  as 
distinctively  subjective.  The  form  employed  depends,  however, 
on  the  tense  and  mode  of  the  verb.  As  it  would  be  absurd  to 
assert,  because  an  essentially  objective  form  is  used  with  the 
future  suffix,  a  possessive  with  the  preterite,  and  a  subjective 
only  with  the  present,  that  therefore  the  future  is  impersonal, 
the  past  a  noun,  and  the  present  a  verb,  it  can  only  be  said  that 
there  are  three  sets  of  pronominal  elements  which  have  no  differ- 
entiation of  meaning  to  accord  with  their  divergence  in  form. 

USE  OF   THE  SUBJECTIVE  FOEMS. 

"While  at  least  two  of  the  three  series  of  subjective  pronominal 
suffixes  agree  closely  in  several  dialects,  there  is  variation  in  the 
affixes  of  tense  and  mode  by  which  their  choice  is  determined. 


302        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


First  Series. 


Second  Series: 


Third  Series. 


Northern  Sierra 
-i,  future 

-si,  passive 
-imi,  usitative 
-uni,  potential 
-ke-ce,  kco,  past 
-ce-k,  past 


stem,  past 
-ce,  past 
-ke,  past 


stem,  present 


-na-ka,  past 


Central  Sierra 
-i,  future 


-ke-so,  past 

-fie,  past  or 

present 
-teo-sa,  tco-ka, 

recent  past 
-se,  past 
-ke,  past 


stem,  past 


-na,  -fie-na,  past 
or  present 

stem,  present 
-ted',  present 
•ew-an-ko,  nega- 
tive present 


Plains. 


-ca,  future 


-ma,  past 
-tu,  past 

The  second 
series  has  not 
been  found  in 
this  dialect  . 

stem,  present 


-ka,  past 


Perhaps  the  most  conspicuous  difference  is  that  the  preterites 
-ce  and  -ke  require  the  second  form  in  Northern  and  the  first 
in  Central  Sierra.  It  must  be  recalled,  however,  that  the  forms 
of  the  second  series  are  not  homologous  in  these  two  dialects. 


8  l 
S  2 
S  3 


SPECIAL    PECULIAEITIES. 
Central  Sierra. — The  independent  pronouns  in  full  are : 

Subjective 
kani 
mi' 
[neal 

masi,    otimei 


D  1         masi,  otim 


P  1 
P  2 
P  3 


otitcik 
miko 
[nekoal,  inikal 


Objective 
kanii 
minii 
neial 


mikoi 
nekoial,  isakoi 


Possessive 
kanu-n 
minu-fi 
nesu-n,  nosu-n,  inisu-n] 


otime-n 

otitciku-n 

miku-n 

noku-n] 


The  forms  given  as  of  the  third  person  are  demonstrative,  and 
are  derived  from  the  stems  ne,  no,  and  ini  or  isa.     The  ending 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco,  303 

-al  has  not  been  found  in  Northern  Sierra,  and  appears  to  be 
animate. 

Professor  Dixon's  material  in  this  dialect  brings  out  the 
difference  between  the  dual  and  plural  of  the  first  person,  which 
in  Northern  Sierra  could  only  be  suspected  from  the  presence  of 
the  two  forms  masi  and  itci.  Itci  does  not  occur  in  Professor 
Dixon's  notes,  but  its  characteristic  element  tc  appears  in 
oti-tci-k,  as  compared  with  oti-m,  we  two,  in  which  -m  evidently 
represents  masi.  The  final  -k  of  otitcik  is  the  suffix  of  plurality. 

It  is  curious  that  a  language  should  possess  a  dual  in  only  one 
person  of  the  pronoun.  It  seems  reasonable  to  believe  that  the 
true  distinction  between  the  two  forms  is  rather  one  of  inclusion 
and  exclusion  of  the  second  person,  which  has  happened  to 
coincide  in  the  informant's  mind,  or  in  some  of  the  examples 
given,  with  the  difference  between  a  dual  and  plural.  The 
strange  forms  oti-m  and  oti-tci-k26  confirm  this  supposition,  as 
they  are  evidently  both  derived  from  oti-ko,  two.  Further,  in 
many  languages  that  possess  a  separate  inclusive  form  of  the  first 
person  plural,  this  is  phonetically  more  similar  to  the  second 
person  plural  than  to  the  first  person  exclusive.  So  the  Central 
"dual"  masi,  essential  element  m,  parallels  mi,  you,  and  miko,  ye. 

On  the  other  hand,  in  Dakota,  according  to  Riggs,27  an  in- 
clusive form  of  the  first  person  is  restricted  to  a  dual  significance, 
while  the  exclusive  is  plural. 

Four  of  the  linguistic  families  adjacent  to  Miwok — Wintun, 
Maidu,  Washo,  and  Yokuts — also  show  a  pronominal  dual,  and 
besides  these,  so  far  as  known,  no  others  in  California,28  except 
Chumash  which  is  in  contact  with  Yokuts. 

In  the  possessive  the  form  for  the  first  person  is  -kan,  instead 
of  Northern  -nti  or  -t.  It  is  certain  that  a  mistake  has  not  been 
made  because  Professor  Dixon's  informant  knew  the  form  -nti, 
but  gave  it  as  characteristic  of  the  Southern  Sierra  dialect,  which 
is  correct.  Evidently  the  Central  dialect,  like  the  Plains  idiom, 


2«  Confirmed  by  Southern  Sierra  otit-i. 
ZT  Contrib.  N.  Am.  Ethn.,  IX,  10,  1893. 

28  The  Shasta  dialects  nearest  to  Maidu  show  dual  forms  of  the  pro- 
nominal verb  affixes  only.  Dixon,  The  Pronominal  Dual  in  the  Languages 
of  California,  Boas  Anniversary  Volume,  80,  1906. 


304        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

replaces  the  suffix  form  -t  or  -nti,  which  has  parallels  in  the  per- 
sonal endings  of  verbs,  by  a  suffixed  abbreviation  of  the  inde- 
pendent pronoun  kanni.  It  is  curious  that  adjacent  dialects 
differ,  and  separated  ones  agree,  in  this  point. 

Usually  the  order  of  objective  and  subjective  suffixes  is  the 
same  as  in  Northern  Sierra:  -ni-t,  I-thee;  -tokni-t,  I-you;  -t-an, 
thou-me.  There  is  however  one  set  of  forms  that  seem  to  place 
the  objective  suffix  last :  -pu-t,  -pu-n,  -pu-m,  -pu-ton,  they-me, 
-thee,  -us,  -you. 

The  possessive  suffixes  are  added  to  verbs  which  are  the  object 
of  another  verb,  the  suffix  denoting  the  logical  subject  of  the 
subordinate  verb. 

teloteo-ke-t  mulli-s,  I  heard  him  singing,  literally,  I-heard  his-singing 
soye-ne-ni-t  howata-n,  I  saw  you  running,  literally,   I-saw-you  your- 

running 
ne-al  soye-teo-t  howata-kan,  he  sees  me  running,  literally,  he  sees-me 

my-running 

The  Central  subjective  suffixes  of  the  first  series  added  to  a 
substantive  or  interrogative  imply  the  verb  substantive. 

hayapo-t,  chief- 1,  I  am  chief 
mana-n,  who-you,  who  are  you? 
mini-n,  where-you,  where  are  you? 

Plains. — An  unexplained  form  -ikam,  meaning  they-me, 
occurs  in  kanni  heat-ikam,  they  will  hit  me. 

The  imperative  plural  shows  an  ending  -tc :  uce-tc,  drink ! 
A  suffix  -k  may  denote  the  object  of  the  third  person  in  the 
imperative :  pata-k,  strike  him  !29 

Elements  similar  to  the  subjective  suffixes  of  the  first  series 
are  added  to  the  independent  pronouns  before  case-suffixes : 
maci-mi-tc,  us;  itcu-me-m,  with  us;  kanni-ti-m,  with  me.  This 
contrasts  with  the  Northern  Sierra  idiom,  in  which  the  locative 
element  follows  the  pronoun,  while  the  affixed  pronominal 
element  is  added  to  this. 

Coast. — An  ending  -t-,  -it-,  occurs  on  transitive  forms  with 
pronominal  object  of  the  third  person :  oke-mmi-t-,  strike  him ! ; 
k-tcamate-pu-it-,  I  have  it ;  k-oke-ka-t-,  I  struck  him. 


29  Compare  Costanoan :  San  Juan  Bautista,  imperative  plural,  -yuts ;  Mon- 
terey, imperative  with  object  of  third  person  singular,  -nk. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  305 

It  has  been  said  before  that  the  subjective  and  possessive 
elements  in  this  dialect  are  probably  not  true  prefixes,  but 
accentless  particles  or  proclitics.  They  are  at  times  audible  as 
final  sounds  of  the  preceding  word  with  which  they  have  no 
grammatical  connection. 

kenum-unye-s  oke-kanni,  constantly  he  hits  me 

eke-m-ka-n  tcama-no-ni-n  cumuki,  from  where  do  you  take  your  pipe? 

nit-u-n  cumuki,  this  is  your  pipe 

eke-to-ni-n  huyena-c,  where  were  you  born? 

eke-cu-k  lanta,  where  is  my  bow? 

homa-k  iolum-oti  nome,  no,  I  eat  rabbits 

That  these  forms  are  particles  is  made  more  probable  from 
the  circumstance  that  they  precede  the  word  with  which  they 
stand  in  syntactical  relation,  while  the  Interior  equivalents  are 
suffixes.  It  is  difficult  to  understand  how  a  truly  incorporated 
element  could  change  from  suffix  to  prefix,  whereas  it  is  readily 
intelligible  that  if  once  a  suffix  becomes  sufficiently  detached 
from  the  stem  to  be  properly  a  particle  or  enclitic,  an  alteration 
of  idiom  without  grammatical  change  may  cause  it  to  be  proposed. 

General. — The  m  which  in  Miwok  is  the  base  of  the  inde- 
pendent pronouns  of  the  second  person  is  the  usual  designation 
of  this  person  in  California.  K  for  the  first  person  is  common 
in  south  central  California,  appearing  in  Miwok  and  Costanoan, 
Salinan,  Chumash,  the  Tiibatulabal  branch  of  Shoshonean,  and 
the  southernmost  or  Buena  Vista  dialectic  division  of  Yokuts. 
The  elements  of  the  Miwok  suffixes  are  on  the  other  hand  without 
parallel :  m  and  t  for  the  first  person,  n  and  s  for  the  second, 
and  s  and  k  for  the  third,  are  quite  unique  in  California.30 

The  coexistence  of  and  yet  thorough  difference  between  the 
independent  pronouns  and  the  pronominal  affixes  in  the  interior 
dialects  of  Miwok,  is  almost  without  parallel  among  the  languages 
of  California,  except  Wiyot  and  Yurok;  and  even  in  these  the 
possessive  affixes  resemble  the  independent  pronoun.  The  restric- 
tion of  pronominal  affix  forms  to  a  suffixed  position  is  also 
unusual.  Most  the  languages  that  resemble  Miwok  in  the  pos- 
session of  case-suffixes  and  in  general  phonetic  character,  treat 


so  Athabascan  n  of  the  second  person  is  the  only  similarity.  It  is  prob- 
ably necessary  to  travel  as  far  as  the  Dakota  before  encountering  m  for 
the  first  and  n  for  the  second  person, — and  then  as  prefixes. 


306        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

their  pronominal  elements  as  independent  words,  or  at  most 
proclitics  or  enclitics.  Even  the  affixing  languages  of  California, 
such  as  Athabascan,  Washo,  Chumash,  Salinan,  and  Shoshonean, 
prefix.  The  only  suffixing  languages,  besides  Yurok  and  Wiyot 
in  northernmost  California,  which  are  of  quite  a  different  type 
of  structure  and  phonetics,  are  Yana  and  Wintun,  which  latter 
further  resembles  Miwok  in  that  its  suffixed  series  has  nothing 
in  common,  in  form,  with  the  independent  pronoun.31  The 
Wintun  suffixes  are,  however,  much  more  restricted  than  those  of 
most  Miwok  dialects,  being  only  subjective,  and  alike  in  singular 
and  plural. 

COSTANOAN   CONNECTIONS. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Miwok  and  Costanoan  languages 
now  seem  more  probably  than  not  to  be  genetically  related  as 
one  stock,32  a  comparison  of  their  pronominal  forms  is  desirable. 

It  is  clear  that  as  the  Miwok  interior  dialects  are  compared 
with  the  Costanoan  idioms,  there  is  a  fundamental  difference  in 
their  employment  of  pronominal  elements,  Miwok  being  elabor- 
ately synthetic  and  Costanoan  almost  purely  analytical.  As  long 
as  the  interior  Miwok  languages  were  the  only  ones  known,  the 
divergence  on  this  point  seemed  so  insuperable  as  to  render  more 
than  doubtful  any  lexical  evidence  as  to  relationship.  It 
appeared  that  the  suffix  forms  constituted  the  original  pro- 
nominal apparatus  of  the  Miwok  language,  and  that  its  inde- 
pendent pronouns,  which  are  obviously  identical  with  those  of 
Costanoan,  had  been  borrowed  from  that  family. 

The  acquisition  of  material  in  the  Coast  dialect  has  however 
altered  the  situation,  in  revealing  a  language  which  is  un- 
doubtedly Miwok,  but  more  nearly  analytic  than  synthetic  in  its 
employment  of  pronouns.  There  can  thus  no  longer  be  objection 
to  a  recognition  of  Costanoan  as  a  branch  of  Miwok  on  the  score 
of  divergence  of  pronominal  usage,  especially  as  even  Costanoan 
is  not  absolutely  free  from  traces  of  synthetic  forms.33  As  the 
two  groups  of  dialects  agree  in  all  other  revealed  points  of  essen- 
tial structure,  and  as  they  hold  a  certain  lexical  element  in 


31  E.  B.  Dixon,  in  Putnam  Anniversay  Volume,  468,  1909. 

32  Present  series,  IX,  237-271,  1910. 
ss  Present  series,  II,  72,  73,  1904. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  307 

common,  their  relationship  can  not  be  questioned  except  on  the 
ground  that  the  etymological  identities  may  appear  insufficient 
in  number.  In  this  case  the  structural  resemblances  might  be 
explained  as  due  to  contact  and  influence,  and  common  words  as 
borrowed.  Both  groups  of  tongues  are  however  still  imperfectly 
known,  and  as  they  agree  in  perhaps  one  fourth  of  the  words 
which  may  reasonably  be  assumed  to  have  been  determined  as 
stems,  it  is  likely  that  only  fuller  data  are  needed  to  increase 
this  proportion.  At  any  rate  there  no  longer  exist  any  gram- 
matical obstacles  to  a  belief  in  the  genetic  unity  of  the  two 
divisions. 

The  conditions  existing  within  the  larger  family  as  to  pro- 
nominal matters,  may  be  described  thus.  The  Sierra  Miwok 
dialects  have  a  full  array  of  synthetic  forms,  and  analytic  or 
separate  pronouns  are  superfluous  and  emphatic.  The  Plains 
dialect  is  also  synthetic,  but  may  possess  a  somewhat  reduced 
apparatus.  Coast  Miwok  is  between  a  synthetic  and  analytic 
stage.  It  lacks  most  of  the  Sierra  forms,  and  it  is  difficult  to 
decide  whether  its  elements  are  prefixes  or  particles.  Costanoan 
is  distinctly  analytic,  employing  ordinarily  only  the  independent 
pronominal  stems,  but  it  retains  vestiges  of  synthetic  forms  in 
the  imperative. 

It  seems  most  reasonable  to  consider  the  Sierra  synthetic 
structure  as  more  original,  and  to  regard  this  as  having  been 
lost  in  successively  increasing  degrees,  but  never  entirely,  in 
Plains,  Coast  Miwok,  and  Costanoan.  Theoretically  the  opposite 
explanation  is  equally  logical,  but  does  not  fit  the  facts  as  well. 
If  the  synthetic  machinery  were  a  late  growth,  it  would  hardly 
be  so  uniform.  Compare  the  Coast  Miwok  second  and  third 
persons  in  n  and  c,  which  are  quite  isolated  in  that  dialect  but 
recur  in  the  interior.  Lexical  divergence  proves  the  Coast  dialect 
to  have  been  detached  from  the  interior  for  a  considerable  period. 
Identical  forms  could  hardly  have  originated  independently  in 
two  separate  regions. 

That  Coast  Miwok  k  of  the  first  person  on  the  other  hand  has 
its  source  in  the  independent  pronoun  kanni  and  not  in  the 
Miwok  affix  forms  t  and  m,  proves  nothing,  for  once  a  loosening 
of  the  synthetic  system  has  set  in,  it  is  not  unnatural  that 


308        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

abbreviated  forms  of  the  independent  stems  should  begin  to 
replace  the  affixual  stems  even  before  these  have  become  entirely 
analytical. 

Assuming  then,  a  Miwok-Costanoan  family,  and  the  chain  of 
relationship,  as  established  on  structural  and  on  the  whole  con- 
firmed on  lexical  grounds,  to  be :  Sierra,  Plains,  Coast,  Costanoan, 
it  is  evident  that  the  interior  Miwok  dialects,  which  have  gener- 
ally been  thought  to  be  geographically  in  closest  contact  with 
the  Costanoan  languages,34  are  linguistically  the  farthest  removed 
from  them.  The  gap  is  bridged  by  the  Coast  Miwok  dialects, 
which  lie  to  the  northwrest  of  both.  This  fact  is  of  primary  im- 
portance in  any  speculation  concerning  the  origin  or  movements 
of  the  stock. 

It  is  curious  that  an  analogous  situation  is  encountered 
among  the  Yokuts.  The  Indians  of  that  family  lived  in  parallel 
and  contiguous  stretches  of  mountain  and  plain,  each  division 
possessing  its  own  group  of  dialects.  In  the  south  the  foothill 
and  valley  dialects  are  markedly  different.  As  one  proceeds 
north,  the  divergence  becomes  less  marked,  and  finally  is  almost 
effaced.  In  this  family  also,  therefore,  the  chain  of  relationship 
revealed  by  language  runs  from  south  to  north  and  back  to  the 
south,  so  that  the  most  divergent  dialects  are  in  geographical 
contact.  The  Yokuts  division  into  mountain  and  plains  groups, 
which  are  linked  only  at  the  northern  end,  can  be  paralleled  by 
a  geographical  separation  of  the  Miwok-Costanoan  family  into 
an  interior  and  coast  division,  also  united  at  their  northern 
extremity. 

DEMONSTRATIVES. 

Demonstratives  are  developed  from  three  stems :  ne  and  no,  • 
this  and  that,  and  i-,  appearing  as  ini,  iti,  ika,  isa,  which  appar- 
ently is  a  radical  of  reference  rather  than  of  direction  or  dis- 
tance, and  therefore  possesses  somewhat  the  character  of  a  per- 
sonal pronoun  of  the  third  person. 

Interrogatives  and  relatives  are  fairly  constant,  the  principal 
stems  being  man,  who,  min,  where,  and  hi  or  ti,  what. 


3*  They  may  really  have  been  separated  from  them  by  a  strip  of  Yokuts 
territory  embracing  the  west  side  of  the  lower  San  Joaquin  valley. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  309 

SS  CS  NS  P  C  L 

this  ne  ne,  ne-al         nei  ne  ni 

no  no 

iti 


that 

no 

noi 

no 

no 

that           ini 

ini 

it-i 

i- 

isa- 

isa- 

i- 

ika- 

imo 

ima- 

\\lio          mana 

mana 

mana 

manti 

manti 

where 

mini 

mini 

mini- 

eke85 

what 

tinu 

ti'nit 

hiti 

hinti 

In  Central  and  Northern  Sierra  all  these  stems  take  the 
plural  suffix  -ko,  the  objective  -i,  and  the  possessive  -n,  though 
the  latter  is  added  to  ne,  no,  and  ini  only  with  the  addition  of 
-cu :  ini-cu-n.  Central  -al  seems  to  be  a  separate  particle  denotive 
of  animateness ;  it  follows  case  and  number  endings :  ne-su-n  al, 
ini-k  al,  ne-ko-i  al. 

In  the  Plains  dialect  the  suffix  -cu  appears  in  both  subject  and 
object:  no-cu,  no-cu-tc,  i-cu,  i-cu-tc.  Other  forms  are  no-ko, 
objective  no-ko-tc,  those;  ne'-im,  here,  no-m,  there,  mini-m, 
where;  hiti-tc,  what,  objective. 

Coast  Miwok  ni-t-u,  this,  is  perhaps  the  equivalent  of  Plains 
ne-cu.  Other  forms  are:  ni-to,  here;  no-to,  it-i-to,  there;  it-i-ko, 
they;  hinti-tc,  what,  objective;  eke-m,  from  where;  eke-to,  at 
where. 

VERB. 

The  verb  formatives,  which  are  all  suffixes,  show  a  similar 
range  in  all  Miwok  dialects  and  in  Costanoan,  but  the  individual 
suffixes  used  differ  in  the  several  dialects.  Many  of  the  blanks 
in  the  accompanying  list  can  no  doubt  be  filled.  The  Central 
material  contains  no  data  on  causative,  desiderative,  continuative, 
or  passive,  the  Northern  no  noun-agent  forms,  and  the  Plains 
and  Coast  forms  are  still  more  incomplete. 

Meaning  C.  Sierra  N.  Sierra  Plains  Coast 

causative  -ne  -nuku  -ne 

desiderative  -ce,  -kce,  -caino  -caiku 

desiderative  (welak) 

continuative  -imi 

purposive  ( f )  -ukna,  mt-o- 


85  Compare  Wintun  heke-,  who,  where. 


310        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


potential 

-ni 

-uni,  -ani 

negative 

-ew-an-ko 

-aim 

negative 

-ewa 

-cewa 

reflexive 

-po-sa 

-bo,  -bo-sa 

past 

-se 

-ce,  -cu 

past 

-ke 

-ke 

past 

-naka 

past 

-keso 

-kco,  cak 

present 

-ted 

recent  past 

-tco-sa 

recent  past 

-tco-ke 

past 

past 

past  or  present 

-fie,  -na,  -ne-na 

present 

future 

-i 

-i 

future 

passive 

-si,  -pa 

intransitive 

verbifying 

-fie 

-ne 

noun  agent 

-pe 

excessive 

noun  agent 

while 

-mu  —  i 

after 

-se  —  i 

-ka 


-ne-po(?) 
-ka 


-ma 
-tu 


-ca 


-up 


-api 
-ak 


Southern  Sierra. — Suffixes  of  mode  and  tense  are  almost  un- 
known. Gatschet  gives  -t  as  indicating  a  preterite,  but  it  is  not 
certain  that  this  is  not  the  suffix  expressing  plurality  of  the 
object.  For  the  future  he  gives  -iku  or  -eku.  His  text  contains 
the  Central  Sierra  past  suffix  -ne. 

Central  Sierra. — The  ''potential"  has  conditional  force: 

noka-ni-s  wo-ewa-yi-t,  if  it  rains  I  will  not  go 
tokla-ni-t-an  howat-it,  if  you  hit  me  I  shall  run 
takya-ni-ma-s  yona-im,  if  he  strikes  us  we  will  kill  him 

The  interrogative  is  a,  identical  in  use  with  the  Northern 
form. 

The  forms  -mu — i,  while,  and  -se — i,  after,  contain  the  pro- 
nominal suffixes.  As  these  otherwise  follow  all  modal  and  tem- 
poral affixes,  the  final  -i  is  likely  to  be  the  objective  case-suffix, 
used  to  denote  clause  subordination.  The  use  of  the  possessive 
case  for  a  similar  purpose,  as  in  the  Northern  dialect,  is  illus- 
trated in  the  Central  text  below. 


1911]  Eroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  311 

Plains. — The  preterite  suffix  -wa  of  other  dialects  has  in  this 
language  a  past  usitative  force.  The  negative  is  expressed  by  the 
independent  preposed  particle  ket,  similar  to  Southern  Sierra 
ken,  and  Costanoan  ekwe,  kue. 

Coast. — The  desiderative  welak  is  itself  a  verb,  which  pre- 
cedes or  follows  the  verb  which  it  accompanies.  The  negative  is 
a  preposed  particle  ela  or  opu.  The  suffix  -ukna,  and  the  pre- 
posed particle  mt-o,  may  be  purposive,  future,  or  andative, 
having  been  obtained  with  the  meaning  "to  go  to"  do  something. 
Interrogation  is  indicated  by  the  particle  op,  usually  op-un  with 
the  pronoun  of  the  second  person. 

A  common  suffix,  which  has  not  been  included  in  the  preced- 
ing list,  is  -pu,  used  only  when  an  object  accompanies  the  tran- 
sitive verb.  It  may  be  pronominal — compare  -pu  of  the  third 
person  plural  in  the  interior, — or  allied  to  the  reflexive  -po,  -po-sa 
of  other  dialects.  The  Coast  reflexive  -ne-po  seems  to  contain  the 
same  element. 

The  analytic  character  of  the  Coast  dialect  is  reflected  in  the 
tense-suffixes  as  well  as  in  the  affixual  pronouns.  The  past  -ka 
and  present  -up  are  commonly  suffixed  or  postposed,  but  occa- 
sionally precede  the  verb. 

nitetei  ka-k-etc,  yesterday  I  slept 
ka-n-iolum,  you  ate 

manti-ka  waya-mi,  who  gave  it  to  youf 
kenum-up-c-yolum,  constantly  you  eat 

As  -ka  or  -ke  occurs  in  the  interior  dialects,  it  is  clearly  an 
affix  which  has  become  an  enclitic  on  the  Coast,  or  an  originally 
separate  particle  which  has  been  degraded  into  a  suffix  in  all 
other  dialects,  according  as  the  several  Miwok  languages  may 
have  developed  in  an  analytic  or  synthetic  direction. 

COMPARATIVE   ETYMOLOGY. 

Names  of  groups  of  people  end  in  -tci  in  the  Southern  Sierra 
dialect,  in  -umni  in  the  Plains.36  In  the  three  Sierra  dialects 
derivatives  signifying  persons  are  formed  from  terms  of  direc- 


a«  This  ending,  which  appears  also  in  Yokuts  and  Maidu,  has  been  dis- 
cussed in  the  present  series  of  publications,  VI,  340,  379,  1908,  and  in  the 
American  Anthropologist,  n.s.,  VIII,  662,  1906. 


312        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

tion  by  the  addition  of  a  vowel,  usually  -o,  accompanied  some- 
times by  modification  of  the  final  consonant.  In  the  plural,  with 
the  ending  -ko  or  -k  in  the  north,  and  -ya  in  the  south,  such  terms 
become  designations  of  groups  of  people. 

tcummate,    south;    tcuinmet-o,    plural    tcummet-o-ko,    or    tcumet-o, 

plural  tcumte-ya,  southerner, 
damman    or    dammalin,    north;    dammul-e,    plural    dammul-e-k    or 

damlu-ya,  northerner, 
hisum  or  hisuwit,  hihum,  east;  hicut-o,  plural  hicut-o-ko  or  hi't-o-ya, 

easterner, 
olowit    or    olowin,    west;    olowit-o,    plural    olowit-o-ko    or    olwi-ya, 

westerner. 

On  the  Coast  the  vowel  is  omitted:  kan-win-ko,  northerners; 
compare  tamal-ko,  bay  people. 

A  diminutive  found  on  such  words  as  boy,  girl,  old  man,  old 
woman,  coyote,  is  -tcki,  -tcu  in  the  South,  -ti  in  Central  and 
Northern  Sierra,  -tci  in  the  Plains,  -mbula  occurs  with  diminu- 
tive meaning  on  several  inanimate  nouns  in  Northern  Sierra. 

In  the  Southern  Coast  dialect  many  nouns  in  the  absolute 
form  or  subjective  end  in  -s,  which  is  ordinarily  lost  in  the 
objective  and  is  lacking  from  Western  Coast  and  Lake. 

man,  tai-c,  objective  tai-t-u 

woman,  kulei-c,  objective  kulei-t-  (Maidu  kule) 

old  man,  oyi-s,  objective  oyi-t- 

old  woman,  potei-s  (Barrett),  objective  potci-t- 

basket,  ewi-c,  objective  ewi-t- 

A  noun-ending  -s  or  -c  is  frequent  in  several  Costanoan 
dialects. 

Adjectives  of  color  consist,  in  all  dialects  of  the  interior 
division,  of  monosyllabic  stems  which  are  finally  reduplicated. 
To  the  reduplicated  syllable  is  appended  an  -i  in  the  Sierra" 
dialects,  the  vowel  of  the  stem  in  Plains. 

Southern  Sierra:    yodj-odj-i,  red 

tuh-uh-i,  black 
Central  Sierra:       gul-ul-i,  black 

gel-el-i,  white 

Northern  Sierra:   wet-et-i,  red 
Plains:  pud-ud-u,  white 

kul-ul-u,  black 

wet-et-e,  red 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  313 

Coast  adjectives  of  color  end  in  -ta:  ulu-ta,  red,  mulu-ta  or 
loko-ta,  black,  poto-ta,  white. 

Duplication  occurs  in  color  adjectives  in  the  Lake  dialect : 
mul-u-mul,  black,  awa-awa,  red.  Other  adjectival  stems  appear 
in  duplicated  form  in  all  dialects :  Plains,  wel-wel,  good,  tcu-tcu-i, 
sweet;  Northern  Sierra,  tcu-tcu-yu,  sweet;  Central  Sierra,  ut-ut-i, 
large;  Lake,  tsum-tsum,  sweet,  koi-koi,  bitter;  Coast,  un-un-i, 
large,  kai-kai,  bitter. 

PHRASES. 

Southern  Sierra: 
yohe,  kill! 
yohu-ma,  I  kill 
yohu-musu,  I  will  kill  you 
kani  yoha-k  oxxa-i,  I  kill  a  woman 
huine-mu,  hina-mu,  do  you  see  me? 
huine-mesu,  hina-musu,  I  see  you 
hilai-fii-ma,  do  you  fear  met 
hilai-ak-ak,  I  fear 
hakai-ak-ak,  hulwa-k,  hungry 
oxxa-n  utcu-hu,  woman's  her  house 
tcuku-n  utcu-hu,  dog's  his  house 
ne,  this,  ne-to,  here 
ini,  that,  ini-m,  ini-to,  there 

Central  Sierra:" 

teuku-kan  yolla  issako-i  nana-i,  my  dog  bit  that  man 

ne'i  nafia  yona-na  tcuku-i-kan,  this  man  killed  my  dog 

tcuku-u  suki-s,  dog's  tail-Ms 

tceak  tcuku-i-kan  sawa-s,  I  hit  my  dog  with  a  stone 

sawa-i  hata-na-k  kiko-m,  I  threw  a  stone  in  the  water 

wani  utcu-t,  in  the  house 

mana-li  onotu-ton,  with  whom  did  you  comet 

6'po-ti-li  onotu-m,  I  came  with  my  father 

ne  al  haloine,  he  is  sick 

haloine-ke-so-t,  I  was  sick 

mil  osemo  haloine-i-n,  you  will  be  sick 

oti-m  haloine-ewan-ko-ti,  we  two  shall  not  be  sick 

oti-tci-k  tunna-na-ktitc,  we  are  cold 

mii  tunna-se-n,  you  were  cold 

osemo  tunna-i-ko,  they  will  be  cold 

haqai-fie-ke-m  oti-m,  we  two  were  hungry 

osemo  haqai-ne-i-k,  he  will  be  hungry 

nawato-s-a  mii,  are  you  tired f 

nawato-m,  I  am  tired 


»T  Dr.  K.  B.  DLxon. 


314        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

so'yo-sa-k  mos,  I  see  you 

issako  soyo-tco-t,  he  sees  me 

hani  miko-i  tokla-motos,  I  hit  you 

tokla-n,  he  hits  you 

masi  tokla-ni-mas,  we  are  hitting  you 

masi  soyo-ne-na-k-ni-mas,  we  see  you 

tekmo-po-sa-s,  you  are  kicking  yourself 

tekmo-msi-tos,  ye  kick  each  other 

mana-i  tokla-na-s,  whom  did  you  hit? 

tinu  ne,  what  is  this? 

tinu-s  takya-na-n,  with  what  did  you  hit? 

toye-mu-i  wosa-k,  while  he  slept,  I  went  away 

owo-se-te-i  luk-sa-s,  after  I  ate,  you  came 

mulli-se-te-i  toye-na,  after  I  sang,  he  slept 

toye-ku-m,  I  am  sleepy 

toye-ti,  let  us  sleep 

mii  a  howatu-n,  did  you  run? 

kani  soi-ne-na-k  ne-su-n  howata-s,  I  saw  him  running 

ne-al  soiye-ne-te  howata-kan,  he  saw  me  running 

mulli-pe,  singer. 

kalan-pe,  dancer 

Plains : 

tcama-caiku-m,  I  wish  to  eat 

tcama-ma-t,  I  ate 

tcama-ca,  he  will  eat 

icu  tcama-mu  unu,  he  eating-from  comes 

no-ku  uccu-p,  they  drink 

unu-m  uccu-mu,  I  come  from  drinking 

ucce-tc,  drink,  ye! 

uccu-ca-tokun,  ye  will  drink 

pata-t,  strike  me! 

pata-muk,  strike  us 

kanni  pata-cima,  I  strike  you 

heat-nuku-cima,  I  make  you  strike  him 

heat-nuku-caiku-ma,  I  want  you  to  make  him  strike 

icu  pata-n,  he  strikes  you 

ket  heta-cima,  I  do  not  strike  you 

tcica-tu-n,  you  saw 

ket  kiwai-m  tcico-tc,  not  can-I  see 

hiti-tc  ono-nu,  what  are  you  doing? 

umiy-a  tcama-tc,  do  you  like  food? 

ket  umiy-im,  I  do  not  like  it 

manti  anit-u-ni,  who  gave  it  to  you? 

mini-m  okicca-tu-n,  where  were  you  born? 

lema-ka-p,  they  used  to  dance 

hana-ka-p  hanepu-tc,  they  used  to  have  a  sweat-house 

wtiim-tci,  old  man 

ole-tci,  ole-na,  coyote 

haye-m  cewole-xnw,  near  the  ocean  (at-proximity  ocean's) 


1911]  Krocber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  315 

ocoo-xno  kotca-ic,  woman 's  her  house 

cawe-no  haulo-co,  friend 's  his  arrow 

teloko-te  epali-tc,  three  jackrabbits  (obj.) 

ocooc-itc,  woman  (obj.) 

ocoox-mo,  with  the  woman 

mini-mu,  from  where? 

mi  '-m  kanni,  you-with  I,  you  and  I 

ne-im  kanni,  he  and  I 

ata-tci-m-ka,  brother-with-my 

Southern  Coast : 

ele'u-api-ko,  fishermen 

mit-a-ko-n  kotca,  Indians'  house 

kotca-n  wea,  inside  the  house 

kotca-n  lile,  on  the  house 

kik  hawin-to,  near  the  water 

kik-to,  in  the  water 

hewai-to  k-uyeno-ke,  I  was  born  at  the  beach 

k-oni-ni  it-i  kotca-mo,  I  came  from  that  house 

luppu-c,  with  a  stone 

kono-su,  with  a  bow 

tumai-to,  with  a  stick 

k-ute-ka-mi,  I  saw  you 

k-oke-ka-t-,  I  struck  him 

us-koya-ka,  he  sang 

akal-utc  kon  kawul-o-ke,  long-ago  they  used-to-dance 

uc-yolum-up,  he  eats 

k-welak-op-iolum,  I  want  to  eat 

un-hinti-po,  what  have  you? 

k-ucu-pu  kik,  I  drink  water 

k-ute-po  no-t.  kulei-t.,  I  see  the  woman 

uc-elli-po-mako,  he  sees  us 

oke-mmi  kanni-tc,  hit  me! 

elli-mmi  kannu,  look  at  me 

miko  koya-mmi,  sing,  yel 

ule-mi-kan,  free  me! 

hinti-tc-op-un  elli,  what  do  you  see? 

op-un  elli-mako,  are  you  looking  at  us? 

op-un  oke  ute-s  kawul,  can  you  see  at  night? 

yolum-api,  comedor 

yolum-ak,  comelon 

mat-aw-ak,  hablador 

kenum-utc-opu-k  cukum-welak,  constantly  I  wish  to  smoke 

(i)kon  kawul-ukna  awe,  van  a  bailar  mafiana 

k-unya  ok-nepo,  I  struck  myself 

c-yolum-ne-t-,  he  made  him  eat 

c-kawul-ne-we-ukna-t-,  he  made  him  dance 

nako-mt-o  koya,  vamos  a  cantar 


316        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.   [Vol.  9 


TEXTS. 

Dr.  Dixon  secured  a  short  text  in  the  Central  Sierra  dialect, 
which  is  here  given,  followed  by  Gatschet's  published  specimen 
of  the  Southern  idiom,  and  a  Lord's  Prayer  in  Coast  Miwok. 
The  latter  occurs  in  two  versions,38  which  however  are  clearly 
derived  from  a  single  source.  They  have  been  combined  and 
translated.  Gatschet's  text  has  been  slightly  systematized  and 
conformed  in  orthography  to  the  present  work;  the  internal 
structure  of  words  has  been  indicated  so  far  as  possible  by 
hyphens;  and  the  translation  has  been  rendered  somewhat  more 
literally  than  in  the  original.  Peculiarly,  all  the  existing  Miwok 
texts  are  very  similar  in  brevity  and  narrowness  of  range,  and, 
excepting  the  Lord's  Prayer,  even  in  subject  matter. 


CENTEAL  SIEERA  DIALECT.a 


wunuto-so-t 

I  went  hunting 

tuku-se-t 

I  shot 

kene-mei 

Once 

wakal-mo 

to  the  river. 

kaulupa-i 

In  morning 

itanok     kosumai-so-m 

Then  we  fished. 

ewTa-ne-pa-k      enatosu 

when  we  got  none,  and 

wele-so-m        temoka-i 

we  caught  six 


owoya-i 

deer. 


owoya-i 

deer. 

woe-so-m 

we  went, 

toyese-so-m 

We  slept 

imo-ok 

from  there 


olo-win          loklo-m 

below  to  plains 

itanok          hakai-ne-pa-k 

Then  I  got  hungry, 

kosumoy  i  -ke-so-m 

we  fished 

motam  kene-i 

half  way  one 

woe-so-m          isak-mo 

we  went  to  that. 

ewa-ka-so-m40     kosumo-i 


kene-i 

One 

woule-t 

I  came  home. 

tamal-in 

north 

kawole-i 

night. 

hoya-ke-so-m 

We  got  there. 

hakai-ke-so-m 


We  got  none  fish.  We  were  hungry 

hoiyenon       kosumoiyi-ke-so-m      itanok 

next  day  we  went  fishing.  Then 

kosumo-i        enatosu        wooltu-me-n41 

fish  and  returned 

hinsaiemes      wuntoyi-ke-so-m      owoya-i      kene-i      toko-tu-me-n 

at  noon.  We  went  hunting,  deer  one  our-killing 

6'toti          oyise-nepai         sumito-i         itanok         wilu-se-so-m 

large  four-prong  fat.  Then  we  were  filled. 


ssDuflot  de  Mofras,  II,  391. 

39  By  Dr.  E.  B.  Dixon. 

40  Compare  the  negative  suffix  -ewa. 
*i  "Of  our  returning. ' ' 


1911] 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


317 


SOUTHERN  SIERRA  DIALECT." 


tcumte-ya 

Chumteya 

maise-i43 

maize, 

hunema 

fishing. 

warai-ko43 

sheep 

utu 

Thick 

tuhuhi 

black, 

tcinepitki 

short, 

oha-ya 

women 

huato 

run, 

hawa-t 

on  rock. 


utcu-pu 

live 


aiye-to 

on  flat 


hale-ya-t 

in  mountains. 


ken 

not 

ne-ok 

These 

oni 

have. 

hiso-k 

hair 

nito-hu 

their  nose 

laut 

skin 

upha 

swim, 


weyanu 

plant 

natu 

accurately 


tuhuhi 

black. 


papas-i 

potatoes, 

tugo 

shoot. 


halgi 

hunting 

i-ok 

They 


weyanu 

Plant 

uo-po 

they-eat 

waka43 

cattle 


tcinipitki 

short 


hugu-to-hu 

on  their  h«ad. 

oyani 

large, 


yutotci 

brown. 


upha 

Swim 


esele-te 

children 


tcumte-ya 

Chumteya 

aitu  keiie44 

all.  Some 


kene4 

some 

ken 

not 


hapka 

climb 


suku 

paint 


lama-i 

tree. 

laut-M-i 


ne-ok 

These 


utu 


skins. 


kene44 

some 

humna 

bead, 

sekea-hu 

their-  (?) 

aitu 

All 

kotan 

distant 

huhu-i 

wood 

hame-pu 

they  cover, 

kefie-t 

In  one 


kutcotc 

bone 

ulato 

long 

awuha 

needle 


humna-ho 

their-bead, 

tisso-no 

finger. 

kula 

coal. 


Many 

kene44 

some 

suku 

Paint 


poxau 

wear 


hunto-ya-hi 

Their  eyes 

hupeto-ho 

their  neck 

wakalmato-t 

in  river, 

onadju 

fast 

ken        suku 

not  paint 

hasanu-i 

abalone-shell, 


ewuya 

Without 


pama 

smoke 


kumsol  ulato 

shell  long 

oki-ta-ho  troxot 

on  their  chin  three 

nawasu-hu  wu 

theirdressas  go.} 

kahu-i        kanni        hui-ne-ma        miwi  ken 

tobacco.                 I                    I  have  seen              people  not 

utcu-yu        tolle-m       aitu       tuye-nu        oisa  oyani 

live,                 on  earth              all                  sleep,                 four  large 

huyu-t          oyani          utcu-t          utcu-pu  tolle-s 

in  fire.  Large  house-in  they  live,  with  earth 

huyu        kaweni-m        tulu-ma        haksi  wuksa 

fire                  in-middle,             through  hole            smoke  goes. 

utcu        aitu        tamu        lu-pu 

house  all.  Differently      they  speak. 


42  Gatschet,  work  cited. 

43  Spanish. 

4*  Literally:  "one." 

45  Compare  Central  Sierra  dialect  negative  suffix  -ewa. 


318         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


SOUTHERN  COAST  DIALECT. 

Chocouyem,  Rio  del  Sacramento :      Api  maeo      su      lileeo      ma  n6nas 
Joukiousm«§,  San  Rafael:  Api  maco       sa       lile"to      man^nas 

mi      au6s      omai      macono      mi  taucuchs      oyopa      mi  tauco       chaquenit 
mi      aues      onia       macono      michauka  oiopa       mitauka         chakenit 

opii    neyatto    chaquenit    opu    liletto.     Tu  maco    muye      genum  ji    naya 
opu     negate      chakenit       opu     lilSto       tumako       muye       quenunje     naya 

macono      sucuji      sulia      macono      mas6cte    chague    mat    opu    ma    suli 
macono      sucuji      sulia      mac6no      masojte     chake       mat    opu    ma    suli 

mayaco.      Macoi     yangia      ume     omutto,     u!6mi     macono     omu     incapo. 
mayaco       maco      yangia      ume     omut         ulemi    macono    omu    in  capo. 

Nette  esa  Jesus. 
Netenti      Jesus. 


api 

father 


TRANSCRIPTION  AND  TRANSLATION. 

ma-ko         su         lile-to 

our  sky-in, 

oni-a1       mako-no2       mi       taulmtc3       oyo-pa4 

come  our  thy  (rule),  (be  done) 

tcake-nit6        opu        wea-to7        tcake-nit 


opu 


like 

mako 

us 

suli-a9 

forgive 

suli 

forgive 

ule-mi 

free-thou 


muye 

all 


mako-no2 

our 

ma-ya-ko 

our  (debtors), 

mako-no2 

our 


mi         awes 

thy  name, 

mi       tau-ko5 

thy  (wills) 

lile-to        tu 

earth-on  like  sky-in 

kenum        hi8        waya        mako-no        suku-hi 

constantly          day  give  our  , 

ma-sokte         tcake-nit          opu         ma 

our  (sins)  like  we 

mako-i          yani-a          huma          omu-to 

us  (lead)  not  bad-to. 


omu 

evil 


inkapo 


10 


nete        ese        Jesus 


NOTES. 

1  The  suffix  of  oni-a  reappears  below  in  suli-a  and  yani-a,  possibly  also 
in  oyop-a. 

2  Perhaps  the  possessive  mako-n,  our ;  the  context  seems  to  demand  "  us. " 

3  Readings  taucuchs  and  chauka ;  perhaps  confusion  with  following  tauko. 

4  Stem  perhaps  oyo ;  a  passive  suffix  -pa  occurs  in  Northern  Sierra  Miwok. 

5  Probably  plural  in  -ko. 

6  Tcake  mako,  asi  como  nosotros;  tcake-tu  taic,  like  a  man;  tcake-tc 
hayuca,  like  a  dog;  opu  recalls  the  present-tense  suffix  -op. 

?  Readings  neyatto  and  negato  for  ueyato;  wea  is  earth, 
s  Hi,  sun,  day. 

s  Suli  is  literally  to  pity.    For  the  suffix  -a  see  note  1. 
10  Hinkapo,  cinkapo,  lo  hizo. 


1911]  Kroebcr:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  319 

SUMMARY. 

In  most  respects  Mi  wok  is  a  language  of  the  analytic  and 
uncomplex  Central  Californian  type.  This  appears  in  its  simple 
phonetics,  simple  verb  and  sentence-structure,  the  presence  and 
nature  of  case-suffixes,  and  the  character  of  the  plural  in  the 
noun.  Adverbial,  spatial,  and  instrumental  ideas  have  not  been 
found  to  be  expressed  by  affixes  to  verbs.  Complex  derivational 
and  etymological  processes — so-called  polysynthesis, — redupli- 
cation, and  vowel  change,  are  little  developed;  the  principal 
structural  device  being  suffixation. 

These  characteristics  are  common  to  all  Miwok  dialects  and 
are  shared  by  the  Costanoan  languages,  which,  on  lexical  con- 
siderations, are  probably  to  be  considered  as  genetically  related 
to  Miwok.  In  pronominal  elements  of  both  nouns  and  verbs,  and 
to  a  certain  extent  in  the  modo-temporal  affixes  of  verbs,  there 
is  however  a  wide  difference  between  the  interior  Miwok 
languages  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Coast  Miwok  and  Costanoan 
dialects  on  the  other,  the  former  being  suffixing  and  synthetic, 
the  latter  proposing  and  analytic.  The  synthetic  dialects  seem  to 
be  more  representative  of  the  original  structure  of  the  language. 
Their  most  pronounced  peculiarity  is  the  possession  of  three 
distinct  series  of  subjective  pronominal  suffixes  of  verbs,  each 
restricted  to  use  in  connection  with  certain  suffixes  of  mode  and 
tense.  All  Miwok  and  Costanoan  languages  are  entirely 
without  prefixes. 


320         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


POMO. 

The  territory  of  the  Porno  Indians  is  south  of  that  of  the 
Yuki,  and  centers  about  the  present  Mendocino,  Sonoma,  and 
Lake  counties,  of  which  it  comprises  the  greater  part.  It  has 
recently  been  fully  described  in  a  paper  published  in  this  series 
by  Dr.  S.  A.  Barrett,  who  has  in  this  connection  also  made  an 
exhaustive  determination  of  the  dialectic  divisions  of  the  family. 
These  are  seven  in  number,  with  one  additional  slight  sub- 
dialect.  A  comparison  of  vocabularies  of  the  seven  dialects  shows 
the  following  degrees  of  affinity  among  them.  The  Northern  and 
Central  dialects,  which  are  but  little  differentiated,  seem  to 
represent  most  nearly  the  original  form  of  the  language,  as  the 
other  dialects  resemble  these  two  more  nearly  than  one  another. 
Least  divergent  from  the  Northern- Central  form  of  speech  are 
the  Eastern  dialect  and  a  group  consisting  of  the  Southwestern 
and  the  Southern  dialects,  with  the  additional  sub-dialect  of  the 
latter.  The  two  most  divergent  dialects,  the  Southeastern  and 
Northeastern,  are  spoken  in  territories  most  remote  from  the 
heart  of  the  Porno  area,  and  by  people  in  contact  with  foreign 
languages.  The  Northeastern  is  probably  a  direct  development 
from  the  Northern-Central  group,  and  in  a  different  direction 
from  the  Southeastern,  for  the  two  dialects  have  less  in  common 
with  one  another  than  with  any  others. 

The  material  here  presented  was  obtained  in  1902  and  1903 
from  Raymond  Brown  and  Thomas  Mitchell,  and  is  from  the 
Eastern  dialect,  spoken  on  the  shores  of  the  greater  part  of 
Clear  lake.  Dr.  Barrett's  vocabularies  show  that  this  dialect 
differs  from  the  Northern  and  Central  almost  as  markedly  in 
verbal  endings  as  in  vocabulary.  In  fact  it  seems  that  we  have 
really  to  reckon  with  seven  Porno  languages  rather  than  mere 
dialects. 

Porno  belongs  to  the  Central  Californian  morphological  type 
of  languages  characterized  by  structural  transparency  and 
failure  to  use  pronouns  as  grammatical  machinery.  It  resembles 
Yuki  in  this  regard.  The  differences  between  the  two  linguistic 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  321 

stocks  are  however  great.  Yuki  uses  only  suffixes,  Porno  employs 
prefixes  and  suffixes.  Porno  not  only  possesses  whole  classes  of 
affixes  that  have  no  parallels  in  Yuki,  such  as  verbal  instru- 
mental, but  uses  its  affixes  with  wider  and  at  the  same  time 
more  concrete  meaning  than  the  majority  of  comparatively  vague 
Yuki  suffixes  possess.  Special  features  of  Porno,  such  as  a  sex 
gender,  are  lacking  in  Yuki.  The  nature  and  employment  of 
demonstratives  are  very  different.  On  the  whole  the  two 
languages  have  but  few  points  of  structure  in  common,  other 
than  such  as  are  of  a  general  Central  Californian  character. 

Porno  often  shows  an  unexpected  richness  of  structural 
development.  Thus  the  noun,  where  we  should  perhaps  first 
look  for  it,  is  ordinarily  without  any  designation  of  plurality. 
But  a  few  substantives  denoting  persons  show  different  stems  for 
the  plural.  Several  others  possess  a  plural  formed  by  a  suffix  -a. 
A  considerable  number  of  verbs  have  different  stems  in  singular 
and  plural.  Several  pairs  of  very  frequently  used  suffixes  of 
verbs  express  respectively  the  singular  and  the  plural  of  the 
subject.  Relatives  by  marriage  are  addressed  in  the  plural  as  a 
sign  of  respect — a  trait  found  also  in  the  nearby  southern 
Athabascan  languages  by  Dr.  Goddard.46  The  plural  is  also 
expressed  in  animate  nouns  by  the  use  of  certain  demonstratives. 
The  pronouns  show  plural  forms.  Altogether  the  expression  of 
plurality  is  much  more  developed  than  might  at  first  sight 
appear,  or  than  is  the  case  in  Yuki,  where  nouns  are  better 
provided  with  suffixes  of  plurality.  A  similar  condition  exists 
in  regard  to  the  expression  of  other  grammatical  ideas. 

PHONETICS. 

The  phonetics  of  Porno  are  simple  in  that  the  language  con- 
tains no  sounds  that  are  obscure  or  that  do  not  occur  in  a  con- 
siderable proportion  of  the  languages  of  mankind,  and  in  that 
the  sounds  are  little  modified  by  such  processes  as  composition 
and  suffixation.  There  are  no  combinations  of  more  than  two 
consonants,  and  even  these  quite  clearly  do  not  appear  in  stems. 


48  P.  E.  Goddard,  Kato  Texts,  present  series,  V,  143,  1909.     See  also 
E.  Sapir,  Yana  Texts,  ibid.,  IX,  101,  note  150,  1910. 


322         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

Dr.  Barrett  has  discussed  the  phonetics  of  all  the  Porno 
dialects.  Certain  differences  between  his  statements  and  those 
made  here  are  explained  by  the  fact  that  only  one  dialect  is  here 
presented.  Other  differences  are  individual,  the  result  of  two 
independent  inquiries,  neither  of  them  final,  and  of  slightly 
divergent  orthographies.  While  Dr.  Barrett's  renderings  are 
probably  more  correct,  they  could  have  been  substituted  for  the 
author's  only  in  part;  for  the  sake  of  consistency  it  has  there- 
fore been  necessary  in  the  present  account  to  retain  the  forms 
originally  written  by  the  author. 

The  vowels  of  the  Eastern  dialect  are  a,  e,  i,  o,  u ;  e  and  o 
being  open.  The  vowels  are  sometimes  short  and  obscure ;  never 
nasalized,  strongly  aspirated,  or  organically  of  doubtful  quality. 

The  most  frequent  vowel  is  a,  next  i.  The  proportionate 
occurrences  are  a  40,  i  25,  e  15,  u  10,  o  5,  ai  5  times.  It  will  be 
seen  that  front  vowels  are  more  common  than  back,  and  i  and  u 
than  e  and  o. 

The  consonants  include  series  corresponding  to  p,  t,  tc 
(English  ch),  k,  and  q  (velar).  The  p,  t,  and  tc  series  include 
surd,  sonant,  nasal  except  of  course  for  tc,  and  the  stressed  or 
fortis  surd  represented  by  a  following  apostrophe.  The  k  series 
comprises  surd,  sonant,  and  fortis,  lacks  the  nasal,  but  includes 
both  surd  and  sonant  fricative,  x  and  g',  the  latter  an  ortho- 
graphy that  has  but  little  justification  but  which  it  has  seemed 
best  to  retain  for  the  sake  of  consistency  and  because  no  more 
appropriate  character  is  included  in  the  available  facilities  for 
printing.  The  same  sounds  were  written  in  the  q  series:  q,  G, 
q',  X,  G'  ;  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  all  actually  occur.  A  t- 
like  Yuki  palatal  t-,  almost  intermediate  in  sound  between  t  and 
tc,  also  d-  and  t-',  were  occasionally  heard  and  written,  but  must 
as  yet  be  regarded  as  doubtful.  Ts  and  dz  were  also  heard,  but 
they  may  be  only  tc  and  dj.  S  and  c  (sh)  bear  the  relation 
usual  in  Indian  languages.  Their  sonants  j  and  z  were  written, 
but  are  denied  by  Mr.  Barrett.  R  is  trilled  and  sometimes 
related  to  t.  Ordinary  1  calls  for  no  comment;  I  is  surd  1,  not 
affricative,  and  is  Dr.  Barrett's  L.  Y,  w,  and  h  occur;  and  two 
sounds  written  hy  and  hr  seem  to  represent  simple  sounds,  either 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  323 

distinct  or  only  occasional  modifications  of  initial  y  and  r;  com- 
pare I,  originally  written  hi  and  xl. 

Sonant  stops  were  not  heard  finally;  surds  between  vowels 
were  frequently  heard  as  sonants:  mib-al  for  mip-al,  beg-ibax 
for  bek-ibax.  These  phenomena  may  partly  be  due  to  Indo- 
European  apperception,  but  they  seem  to  have  some  Porno 
foundation,  as  mit  becomes  mir-al,  evidently  for  mid-al.  Dr. 
Barrett  also  writes  no  final  g,  d,  or  b. 

Words  most  frequently  begin  with  consonants.  Three  words 
out  of  four  end  in  a  vowel,  which  may  be  taken  also  as  the 
proportion  in  stems.  This  fact  alone  accounts  for  much  trans- 
parence of  word  structure.  At  least  k,  tc,  t,  p,  n,  m,  x,  1,  r  occur 
finally. 

There  is  no  system  of  vowel  mutations,  but  the  vowel  of  a 
suffix  is  sometimes  assimilated  to  that  of  the  stem,  especially  in 
verbs.  Thus  -hiba,  preterite,  becomes  diko-hoba,  garma-haba, 
kuhu-huba,  o'ane-heba. 

Ui,  eye,  becomes  yu-xa,  eye- water,  tears 

The  accent  of  words  is  rather  well  marked.  In  nouns  it  fre- 
quently falls  on  the  last  syllable :  balai',  blood,  qala'l,  liver,  cima', 
ear,  xawa's,  chin,  masa'n,  terrible,  musu',  hair.  This  would  be 
impossible  in  Yuki.  In  verbs  the  accent  is  generally  on  the  stem 
syllable,  irrespective  of  the  number  of  affixes. 

GRAMMATICAL  METHODS. 

Internal  modifications  of  stems  do  not  occur  as  an  expression 
of  grammatical  form.  Reduplication  is  either  etymological  or 
confined  to  a  few  parts  of  speech,  such  as  verbs,  in  which  it 
expresses  repetition  or  continuation.  Position  is  pretty  well 
fixed,  the  verb  coming  last,  the  object  after  the  subject,  a  pos- 
sessive noun,  adverb,  or  subordinate  clause  before  its  grammatical 
regent.  The  principal  means  of  grammatical  expression  is,  as 
in  most  languages,  affixation.  Infixes  have  not  been  found; 
suffixes  are  more  numerous  than  prefixes,  but  in  the  verb  the 
latter  are  both  frequent  and  important.  About  seventy-five 
affixes  have  been  determined.  Of  these  a  third  are  verbal  prefixes 
and  a  third  verbal  suffixes. 


324        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

NOUNS. 

The  noun  is  formally  as  undeveloped  in  Porno  as  in  most 
American  languages.  Its  principal  affixes  are  a  long  series  of 
adverbial  postpositions  or  locative  case-endings. 

-u,  in 

-xam,  in,  into 

-bai,  in 

-kate,  at,  to,  by,  near 

-a,  -ya,  at 

-n,  to 

-mil,  to 

-1,  -alal,  -nalal,  to,  toward 

-awa,  from,  in 

-w-ina,  on 

-yu,  under 

-xo-wa,  before 

-na-uwa,  behind 

-ki,  for 

-imak,  in  company  with 

-i,  -ya,  -iyai,  with,  by  means  of 

Examples : 

me-awa,  from  here 

ba-y-awa,  from  there 

me-a,  here,  at  this 

xale-na,  on  tree 

bihyatsuxai-yai,  with  fingers 

bo-1,  westward 

gayu-1,  upward 

dano-nalal,  up-hill-ward 

mo-bai,  in  a  hole 

gai-na,  on  the  ground 

xo-xam,  in  the  fire 

xabe-wina,  on  the  rock 

xabe-yu,  under  rock 

xabe-i,  with  a  stone 

bihya-i,  with  the  hand 

musu-i,  with  hair 

xai-yai,  with  a  stick 

tce-una,  on  a  chair 

ca-u,  in  the  house 

oa-kate,  next  to  the  house 

oa-xowa,  before  the  house 

ca-nauwa,  behind  the  house 

ga-u-wawa,  inside,  indoors 

ga-u-waki,  from  in  the  house 

hegibax  napo-mil,  to  their  own  town 

wi-wina  Zok-a,  fell  on  me 

gayu-lal  galina-lal,  up  to  the  sky 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  325 

As  will  be  seen,  these  endings  are  suffixed  also  to  pronouns, 
demonstratives  and  adverbs.  When  an  enclitic  demonstrative 
follows  the  noun,  this  particle  and  not  the  noun  receives  the 
case-ending. 

mo-he-bai,  in  the  hole 
xa-he-bai,  in  the  water 
la-he-mak,  together  with  the  sun 
xo-he-mil,  into  the  fire 
masan-ek-himak,<«'  with  a  white  man 

Such  locative  endings  as  these  are  common  in  Central  Cali- 
fornian  languages,  but  are  usually  accompanied  by  two  or  three 
syntactical  case-suffixes,  as  in  Yuki,  Maidu,  Wintun,  Yokuts, 
Mi  wok,  and  Shasta.  In  Porno,  syntactical  case-suffixes  are  absent, 
except  on  names  of  persons  and  terms  of  relationship,  which 
share  a  possessive  -ibax  and  perhaps  an  objective  -al  with  pro- 
nouns and  demonstratives. 

wimaca-ibax  oa,  my  father-in-law's  house 
sulig' am-ibax  oa,  Sulig'am's  house 
A  vocative  of  terms  of  relationship  is  formed  by  -a. 

mex-a,  older  brother! 
tsets-a,  mother's  brother! 

Expression  of  plurality  in  the  noun  by  a  suffix  is  confined 
to  a  few  nouns  denoting  persons.  The  plural  of  animate  nouns 
is  usually  expressed  through  accompanying  demonstrative 
elements. 

person,  cauk,  pi.  hiba-ya 

woman,  da,  pi.  o'ara-ya;  ya-o'ara,  deserted  wife 

old  woman,  da-G'ara,  pi.  mac'atcur-a. 

old  man,  butsi-gi,  pi.  butsi-a,  butsi-yaya 

young  man,  cela,  pi.  cela-ya 

relatives,  o<  ametcgi-a 

PRONOUNS. 

The  Porno  pronoun  is  typically  Central  Californian.  It  is 
never  incorporated,  has  no  abbreviated  or  affix  form,  is  syntacti- 
cally a  noun,  and  shows  a  regular  development  for  person, 
number,  and  case.  As  in  Yuki,  there  is  no  real  third  person, 
demonstratives  being  used. 


*«•  The  h  of  -himak  probably  represents  an  aspiration  of  the  preceding 
k.    Compare  notes  49  and  50. 


326         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

Subject  Object  Possessive 

1  ha  wi,  u  wa-x 

2  ma  mi  mi-bax 

3  m.  mi-p  mi-p-al  mi-p-ibax 
3  f.            mi-t                     mi-r-al  mi-r-ibax 

1  pi.          wa  wa-1  wa-ibax 

2  pi.          ma-1  ma-1  ma-ibax 

3  pi.          bek  bek-al  bek-ibax 

Mip  and  mit  are  he  and  she,  if  distant,  invisible,  or  of 
indefinite  reference ;  mep  and  met  are  used  for  proximity  or 
visibility. 

The  pronouns  are  evidently  derived  from  a  stem  wa  for  the 
first  person  and  ma  for  the  second;  diversified  by  -al  and  -ibax 
for  objective  and  possessive.47  The  singular  objective  formed 
by  change  of  a  to  i  is  interesting.  It  may  be  due  to  a  lack  of 
separate  stems  for  singular  and  plural  and  an  unconscious  desire 
to  express  the  distinction.  Such  a  feeling  seems  to  have  led  to 
the  modification  of  the  first  person  to  ha  in  the  singular,  and  the 
adoption  of  the  objective  mal  to  indicate  the  subjective  of  the 
second  person  plural. 

As  evidenced  by  the  examples  already  given,  pronouns  can 
appear  with  the  locative  case-suffixes  of  the  noun.  These  are 
added  to  the  objective  forms  of  the  pronouns. 

As  in  Yuki,  terms  of  relationship  furnish  the  only  exception 
to  the  rule  that  the  pronouns  are  not  abbreviated  or  affixed.    The 
possessive  pronouns  used  with  such  words  are,  again  as  in  Yuki, 
prefixed  and  apparently  objective  in  form. 
With  terms  of  relationship  only : 

my,  wi-,  wi-ma- 

thy,  mi- 

his,  mip-i  ha-,  mip-i  ha-mi- 

our,  wa-i  ma-,  wa-i- 

your,  ma-i  mi-,  ma-i  ha-mi- 

their,  bek-i  ha-,  bek-i  ha-mi- 

47  The  forms  given  by  Dr.  Barrett  in  volume  VI,  page  64,  of  this  series 
show  that  the  Eastern  dialect  agrees  with  the  others  in  having  ma  for 
the  pronoun  of  the  second  person.  For  I  and  we  the  normal  Porno  forms 
are  a  and  ya,  in  place  of  Eastern  ha  and  wa.  Southeastern,  the  Lower 
Clear  Lake  dialect,  alone  has  wi  for  we.  This  dialect  is  also  the  only  one 
that  seems  to  share  with  the  Eastern  the  possessive  suffix  -ibax;  South- 
eastern wibax  explains  the  origin  of  Eastern  wax.  The  other  dialects 
show  a  possessive  suffix  -ke:  au-ke,  ke,  my;  mi-ke,  m-ke,  thy;  ya-ke,  our. 
Instead  of  mi-p  and  mi-t  the  usual  Porno  forms  for  he  and  she  seem  to  be 
mu  and  man.  Compare  the  Northern  Porno  forms  given  below. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  327 

For  instance,  wima-mex,  my  older-brother.  The  ordinary 
possessives  are  used  only  when  possession  is  to  be  emphasized : 
two  persons,  each  denying  the  relationship  of  the  other  to  a  third 
person,  might  say,  wax  mex  ba  e,  my  older-brother  he-is. 

DEMONSTRATIVES. 

Demonstratives  are  numerous,  frequently  used,  and  important 
in  Porno.  Me  is  this,  u  that.  Ba,  that,  is  more  common  and 
more  indefinite  than  u,  being  often  best  translated  by  the  English 
article,  though  almost  always  somewhat  more  specific  of  refer- 
ence. It  is  used  alone  or  added  to  u  as  u-ba.  The  apparently 
contradictory  form  me-ba  has  also  been  found,  perhaps  for 
me-baya,  this  there.  An  unexplained  demonstrative  ku-ba  also 
occurs.  Me,  this,  is  the  base  of  the  pronouns  of  the  third  person 
singular,  formed  by  the  addition  of  -p  for  males  and  -t  for 
females.  For  "it,"  me,  this,  or  ba,  that,  is  used,  if  expression 
is  necessary.  The  original  demonstrative  form,  and  probably 
meaning,  of  the  sex-differentiated  forms,  are  better  preserved  in 
mep,  met,  indicating  nearness;  mip  and  mit  appear  to  be  modi- 
fications of  these,  with  corresponding  modification  of  meaning 
from  demonstrative  to  pronominal  significance,  as  is  indicated 
not  only  by  their  expressing  distance  as  opposed  to  the  proximity 
of  mep  and  met,  but  by  their  being  less  specifically  endowed  with 
deiktic  reference  of  any  kind.  This  development  of  quasi-pro- 
nominal forms  from  the  demonstrative  expressing  proximity  is 
interesting  because  unusual.  In  Yuki  and  Yokuts  the  indefinite 
demonstrative  of  distance  fulfills  the  function  of  the  pronoun 
of  the  third  person  ;  just  as  Latin  ille,  not  hie,  grow  into  Romance 
the  and  he. 

The  demonstratives  not  only  take  the  numerous  locative  and 
instrumental  case-suffixes,  but,  together  with  the  personal  pro- 
nouns, are  the  chief  recipients  of  the  objective  suffix  -al  and  the 
possessive  -ibax.  This  restriction  of  use  of  these  two  syntactical 
case-suffixes  differentiates  them  in  character  from  the  correspond- 
ing case-endings  of  for  instance  Yuki,  Maidu,  and  Yokuts.  The 
length  of  -ibax  makes  it  look  little  like  a  genuine  syntactical 
case.  The  objective  -al  may  be  related  to  the  directive-termina- 


328        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

tive  -1  or  -alal.     The  possessive  has  also  a  benef active  meaning: 
wa-x  is  my  or  for  me. 

me  hee,  this  one 

u  gai  he,  that  land 

u-ba  gai  he,  that  land 

mep  ba  hikiba,  he-is-the-one-who  it  did 

u-ba-ya,  there 

u-mip,  he,  distant 

o-he-mip,  he,  more  distant 

o-ya  ba  ihiba,  there  it  was 

O-G<  ai,  that-one  too 

me-G'ai,  this-one  also 

u-ba-c'a  balai  ba  e,  there  blood  that  is 

me  ba  balai  he  e  G'ida-o'ida-k,  that  blood  is  red 

dakir  u-ba  Gauk  e,  great  that  man  is 

u-ba  mi-kate  hee,  that  one  by  you 

u-ba-ibax,  his 

ku-ba  sandia  hee  dabekmakme,  those  melons  divide  ye! 

The  ordinary  demonstratives  precede  the  noun;  but  he  and 
ek  follow  and  are  more  or  less  enclitic.  He,  or  hee,  means  the 
or  this;  its  omission  makes  the  noun  translatable  by  its  English 
equivalent  with  the  indefinite  article  a. 

When  an  animate  noun  is  subject  of  a  transitive  verb,  he 
alone  is  not  used  with  it.  Either  the  personal  pronoun  must  be 
added,  forming  a  tautological  he-mip;  or  ek,  yek,  is  postposed. 
In  the  plural  ek  is  replaced  by  the  quasi-pronominal  bek,  to 
which  it  is  no  doubt  related  either  in  origin  or  by  analogy.  Bek 
is  not  confined  to  the  subjective,  and  shows  the  form  bek-al  and 
bek-ibax. 

o-ba  gai  he,  that  land 

o-he-mip,  he,  distant 

kui  hee,  not  that  one! 

tee  hee,  which  onef 

uba  hee,  that  one 

mibax  noaha  hee  da  mi  mara,  your  knife  do  you  like? 

winhawa  yek  wi  kadakhiba,  my  friend  me  cut 

masa'n  ek  G'ai  hi'ntil  ek  G'ai  wa  guma  kilmawakhiba,  white-man 

and  Indian  we  fought-together 
ha  bekal  kilwahiba,  I  them  fought 

ba  masan  he  mip  wi  kadakhiba,  that  white-man  he  me  cut 
me  xa  hee  dakir  xa-mo'-e,  this  water  very  deep  is 
ba'  ha  masa'n  hee  gutcia-i  pako'hoba,  that  I  white-man  the  knife- 

with  stabbed 

mex  bek  wi  marakiaika,  my-elder-brothers  they  me  like 
mex  milbax  ek  wi  marakiale,  my-elder-brothers  one-of-them  me  likes 


1911]  Eroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  329 

The  enclitic  he  is  no  doubt  related  to  hi,  hi-bax,  he-k-ibax, 
his  own,  their  own.  Perhaps  the  reflexive  k'e-hei,  self,  is  also 
related  to  he.  Ba-bax,  his,  bek-ibax,  their,  contrast  with  hi-bax, 
he-k-ibax. 

mi-p  hi-bax  cawi  di-ko-y-a,  he  struck  his  own  boy 
mi-p  ba-bax  oawi  di-ko-y-a,  he  struck  his  (ejus)  boy 
mi-p  mip-ibax  cawi  di-ko-y-a,  he  struck  his  (ejus)  boy 
bek  heg-ibax  Gawi  di-ko-yak-i,  they  struck  their  own  boy 

Hi  has  sometimes  relative  force:  ie'anxa  gunula  hemip  hi 
hola  kidi-1-ba  xabe-na  pidiakele,  then  Coyote  he  which  sack  he- 
carried  rock-on  broke. 

The  element  hi  also  occurs  in  combination  with  bek  when 
relatives  by  marriage  (except  brothers-in-law  or  sisters-in-law) 
are  addressed  or  spoken  of.  As  already  mentioned,  such  rela- 
tives address  each  other  throughout  with  plural  forms  as  a  sign 
of  respect.  Bek  would  therefore  take  the  place  of  ek;  but  the 
form  usually  found  is  hi-bek,  or  hi-bek-al.  Use  of  singular  ek  or 
yek  implies  that  the  marriage  has  terminated  in  a  separation. 
If  however  the  wife  has  died,  her  husband  continues  to  address 
her  relatives  with  the  respectful  hi-bek.  Such  forms  seem  even 
to  take  the  place  of  personal  pronouns:  bekal,  them,  meaning 
you,  much  like  German  Sie. 

wimaca  yekal,  my  ex-parent-in-law 

wimaca  hibekal,  my  parent-in-law,  or  parent  of  my  dead  wife 
bekal  hane,  parent-in-law,  say! 

kanhimi  mal  butsigi  hibekal,  say,  ye  old-man  them  (say,  father-in- 
law!) 

Besides  hi,  u  is  sometimes  combined  with  bek : 

kanhimi  ubek,  say,  my  daughter-in-law! 
kanhimi  wimaca  hubek,  say,  my  mother-in-law! 

The  use  of  the  plural  in  this  connection  does  not  however  go 
beyond  demonstrative  and  inflectional  elements.  Only  singular 
noun  stems  and  verb  stems  are  used.  Thus,  mal  da-o'  ara  hibekal, 
ye  old- woman  them,  not  maa'atcura,  old  women;  gok-mi, 
"stehen  Sie,"  a  singular  stem  with  plural  ending,  as  compared 
with  gok-im,  "stehe  du,"  and  pilik-mi,  "stehet  ihr!" 

Enclitics  or  suffixes  expressing  indefiniteness  are  -o'a,  -lal, 
-ula,  -laye.  Informants  translate  these  by  "kind"  or  "sort." 


330        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

Kuyula,  others,  seems  to  be  kui,  not,  and  -ula,  kind,    -laye  seems 
to  be  most  specifically  indefinite. 

haiu-laye  wi  G'anehiba,  some  dog  me  bit 
daiawal-ula,  young  women,  young-woman-kind 
masa'n-ulu,  masan  o'omtsa-la,  whites,  plural  of  masan,  white-man 
kaiu-la  mipal  G<  aneheba,  dog-kind  them  bit 

ha  masan-ula-1  ganud-ed-elhiba,   I  a-white-man    (or,   to-the-whites) 
was  telling  something. 

Other  indefinites  are  mil-bax,  one  of,  selected  from;  kumu, 
all;  o'omtsa,  many;  dolema,  several,  literally  four-five,  dol-lema. 
Xon-al  is  one  another,  objective. 

eau  G'omtsa  lia,  people  many  died 

oau  nudal-dal-a  G'omtsa  e,  persons  dead  many  are  (lying  about) 
wal  gumu  lia-y-eg'a,  we  all  shall-die 
dolema  pit  'ahaba  G<  araya,  several  there-were  women 
wax  haiu  mil-bax  ek  wi  G'ania,  one  of  my  dogs  bit  me 
buragal  G'ai  ha  guta'haba  bice'  G'ai  xotc,  bice  he  mil-bax  ha  gali 
go'xhiba,  bear  I  saw  deer  also  two,  deer  of -them  I  one  shot 

INTERROGATIVE  S. 

Interrogatives,  also  used  as  indefinites  and  relatives,  are  am, 
ki,  and  tee.  Am  is  who?,  what?,  something,  which,  someone,  he 
who.  Ki-a  is  who?  Tee-he  is  which  one?  tce-a,  somewhere, 
where  ? 

ha  am  boolhiba,  I  something  was  hunting 

kia  da  ba,  who  is  that? 

kia  da  mi  kadake,  who  you  cut? 

tee  hee,  which  one? 

me  hee,  this  one 

am  ba  da  ma  marakiala,  what-for  that  you  like? 

masan  ki  am  yeheka,  he  has  done  something  wonderful 

tee  xabe  hee  da  baten-e,  which  rock  is  the  largest? 

ha  am  xadim  milbax  ha  sididioi,  I  what  biting  of  I  swallow 

am  cauk  da  ma  gar-k-a,  what-kind-of-a  person  do  you  see? 

ADJECTIVES. 

The  adjective  is  more  frequently  found  in  duplicated  form 
than  any  other  part  of  speech.  An  attributive  ending  is  -k, 
which  is  no  doubt  the  same  suffix  as  a  -k  making  nouns  of  verbs. 
Adjective  stems  used  as  predicates  seem  to  end  in  -k-i  or  -e, — 
which  is  possibly  a  slurring  of  the  verbal  present  tense-suffix  -a, 
sometimes  heard  as  -e.  Many  adjectives  show  neither  ending. 


1911]  Kroebcr:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  331 

e,  ha  haiu  c'ida-c'ida-k  gar-hiba,  yes,  I  saw  a  red  dog 
wax  haiu  hee  c'ida-G'ida-ki,  my  dog  is  red 
haiu  pit  'au,  a  white  dog 
ha  pit'auw-e,  I  am  white 

Ga-hiem-k,  one  who  watches  a  house  (compare  ga-hiem-xale,  house- 
watcher,  as  a  permanent  occupation) 
xo  batln  ha  garhiba,  fire  large  I  saw 
pit'au-k  bawe  e,  it  is  the  white  one 
gili-gili-k,  black 

ADVERBS. 

Adverbs  and  conjunctions,  so  far  as  expressed  by  separate 
words,  call  for  little  comment.  Interrogation  is  expressed  by  the 
particle  da,  at  the  head  of  the  sentence,  or  preceding  the  pro- 
nouns. The  negative  is  similarly  expressed  by  kui,  and  not  by 
any  affix  of  the  verb.  Le  occurs  in  optative  phrases  translated 
by  "let  us."  Conjunctions  answering  to  English  "and"  and 
"or"  are  o'ai,  postposed,  and  he,  preposed.  Both  often  occur  in 
pairs,  like  English  both  . . .  and,  either  ...  or.  There  are  no 
connectives  or  introductory  particles  corresponding  to  those 
which  are  so  important  in  Yuki  and  Washo.  This  lack  of  intro- 
ductory words  is  so  complete  as  to  make  it  difficult  to  separate 
one  sentence  from  the  next  in  texts. 

da,  interrogation 

kui,  no,  not 

&,  yes 

le,  optative 

min,  thus  (cf.  me,  this) 

isa,  thus 

maco,  like 

dakere,  very  (dakir,  great,  extreme,  adj.) 

si,  very,  strongly,  fast,  hard 

ikwita,  perhaps 

bitemayau,  always 

namk ',  always,  constantly 

tibalc'  amak,  often 

co,  now 

to,  now,  immediate  future 

co-a-da-mal,  to-day  (da,  sun) 

to-a-da-wal,  to-day 

da-ka,  yesterday 

duwe-m,  to-morrow  (duw-ina,  at  night) 

dok,  long  ago,  sometime,  ever 

yu,  already 

yu-1,  a  while  ago 

ya-yu,  for  a  time 

yu-pa,  again 


332        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


NUMERALS. 

The  numerals  in  all  the  Porno  dialects  have  been  given  in 
Dr.  Barrett's  paper  in  this  series,  and  analyzed  in  a  comparative 
paper  on  the  numeral  systems  of  California.48  The  Porno 
numeral  system  seems  to  be  quinary-vigesimal,  and  the  Porno 
territory  to  be  the  center  of  an  area  in  northern  California  over 
which  this  system  has  to  some  extent  spread;  but  in  the  higher 
numbers,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Porno  vigesimal  method  has  in 
some  dialects  yielded  before  the  influence  of  the  decimal  counting 
of  neighboring  people.  The  adverbial  numeral  is  formed  by  -nai, 
"times." 

xotc-i-nai,  twice 
lema-nai,  five  times 

VERBS. 

The  Porno  verb  is  completely  non-pronominal,  that  is,  non- 
incorporative. 

It  seems  that  in  most  American  languages  using  both  prefixes 
and  suffixes,  the  affixes  to  the  verb,  barring  pronominal  elements, 
tend  to  precede  the  stem  when  they  are  comparatively  concrete 
or  non-formal  in  significance,  and  to  follow  it  as  they  are  more 
purely  grammatical  or  modal.  Porno  is  no  exception.  Adverbial 
and  instrumental  ideas  are  embodied  in  prefixes,  conceptions  of 
tense,  mode,  and  number  in  suffixes. 

Many  affixes  are  readily  distinguished  as  such ;  but  there  are 
some  elements  whose  nature,  whether  affix  or  stem,  is  uncertain. 
Di  and  be  have  the  appearance  of  being  affixes  denoting  singu- 
larity or  plurality  of  the  object  of  the  verb ;  but  it  is  more  likely 
that  they  are  indefinite  stems,  meaning  to  move  one  and  to  move 
several,  which  are  used  in  verbal  complexes  whose  specific  force 
is  due  more  to  their  affixes  than  to  these  stems.  A  similar  con- 
trasting pair  are  -p  and  -m,  appearing  to  refer  respectively  to 
position,  pointing,  or  intransitiveness,  and  to  motion,  putting, 
or  transitiveness. 


48  E.  B.  Dixon  and  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Numeral  Systems  of  the  Languages 
of  California,  American  Anthropologist,  n.s.,  IX,  676,  686,  1907. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  333 

ha  cau-du-di-kil-hiba,  I  drove-(him)-in-repeatedly 

ha  oau-du-be-kil-hiba,  I  drove-(them)-in-repeatedly 

wa  oau-du-di-kima,  we  drove-(him)-in 

wa  cau-du-be-kima,  we  drove- (them) -in 

mi  ha  cau-du-di-kil-hiba,  thee  I  drove-in-repeatedly 

mal  ha  oau-du-be-kil-hiba,  you  I  drove-in-repeatedly 

wi  bihya-xam  ba  ca-di-m-im,  me  hand-in  that  shove-through! 

wi  bihya-xam  ba  ca-be-m-im,  me  hands-in  that  shove-through! 

bo-1  ca-be-p-ki-mi,  west  point-them! 

ca-di-p-ki-m,  move  it,  point  it! 

ca-di-m-ki-m,  move  it,  cause  it  to  travel! 

Some  affixes  occur  in  contrasting  pairs :  kul-,  gur ;  di-,  co- ; 
di-,  ke- ;  -1,  -k ;  -ma,  -ki. 

Adverbial  prefixes  are  the  most  loosely  connected  with  the 
verb,  and  sometimes  are  heard  as  separate  words.  Thus  oa-u-, 
or  ga-u-,  in,  into,  and  oa-1  or  ga-1,  into,  to  or  in  the  house,  are 
evidently  formed  from  oa,  house,  and  the  case-suffixes  -u,  in,  and 
-1,  to.  The  terminative  or  directive  -1  appears  also  in  xo-1-,  out ; 
compare  the  adverb  xo,  out.  Ku-1-  and  li-1-,  away,  off,  probably 
show  the  same  element.  This  is  the  more  probable  from  the  fact 
that,  excepting  these  -1-  forms  and  two  prefixes  gur-  and  mar- 
showing  -r-,  all  ascertained  prefixes,  whether  adverbial  or  instru- 
mental, end  in  vowels. 

Ga-u-,  ga-u-,  in,  into 

Ga-1-,  ga-1-,  in  house,  to  house,  into 

xo-1-,  out 

li-1,  away 

ku-1,  away 

ku-r,  gu-r,  toward 

mar-,  down 

gayu-,  up 

xamal-,  back 

tsa-,  away 

ca-,  through 

ma-,  across,  opposite 

Examples : 

gur-uhu-m,  come  here! 

le  xamal-pil-iba,  let  us  go  back! 

gal-uhu-i  ha,  I  went  home 

ca-t'ol-im,  punch  it  through! 

lil-ani-a,  threw  it  (away) 

kul-ani-m,  throw  it  away! 

me-a  gur-ma-hu-m,  here  come-across! 

o-ya  lil-ma-hu-m,  there  go-across! 


334        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

dadai  xol-pili-mi,  on-the-path  go-ye-off! 
gur-ma-biki-m,  face  here! 
kul-ma-gadi-ba,  let  us  run  across  to  there 
mar-pile-li,  they  went  down 
gayu-gap-ki,  jumped  up 
Gal-oho-le,  come  home 
me-a  xol-pili-a,  here  they-came 
bek  tsa-pili-a,  they  went-away 

The  terms  of  direction  co,  east,  bo,  west,  yo,  south,  kuhu-, 
north,  may  be  included  among  prefixes,  as  they  are  at  times  fused 
with  the  verb-stem. 

ha  co-hu-bae,  I  am  going  east  (uhu,  go) 

This  is  however  not  always  the  case. 

ha  bo  am  boo-1-hiba,  I  in-the-west  something  was-hunting 

Gayu,  up,  is  also  both  independent  adverb  and  prefix. 

Instrumental  prefixes  are  numerous.  There  seem  to  be 
several  that  have  not  yet  been  positively  determined.  They 
specify  actions  performed  with  parts  of  the  body,  with  spatial 
parts  of  objects  or  objects  of  certain  shape,  and  with  objects  of 
certain  properties,  such  as  softness.  They  are  of  course  used 
almost  entirely  with  stems  denoting  motion  or  dynamic  actions. 

di-,  with  something  round 

co-,  with  something  long 

pi,  with  an  edge  moving  broadside  (ax) 

ga-,  with  an  edge  drawn  lengthwise 

G<a-,  with  two  edges,  with  the  teeth 

si-,  with  the  mouth,  with  the  tongue 

du-,  da-  with  the  hand,  with  the  fingers 

mi-,  ma-,  with  the  hand,  with  the  foot 

ba-,  with  the  head  or  parts  of  the  head 

pa-,  with  the  end,  point 

ki-,  with  a  hard  thing 

gu-,  with  a  soft  thing 

ca-,  with  the  end  or  point  (—  ca-,  through) 

The  following  seem  to  denote  not  the  instrument  but  the 
object  of  the  action. 

di-,  a  round  object  (cf.  instrumental  di-) 
k'e-,  a  long  object 

In  this  connection  may  also  be  mentioned  an  element  pu-, 
found  in  several  verbs  denoting  breathing ;  though  whether  it  is 
instrumental  prefix  or  stem  is  not  certain. 


1911]  Kroebcr:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  335 

Examples : 

ha  mi  xai-yai  co-ol-bae,  I  you  stick-with  will-throw-at 

co-xa,  to  saw,  cut  with  a  long  object 

ha  mip-al  xabe-i  di-ko-hoba,  I  him  stone-with  struck 

di-dak-g'a,  split,  as  one  stone  with  another 

pi-xa,  to  cut  with  an  ax,  chop 

pi-t  'ap-ki-a,  slapped,  skinned,  chipped  off 

pi-dak-g'a,  split 

ga-xa,  to  cut  or  saw  off  with  a  knife 

ga-xar-a,  shaves  off 

ga-gap-ki,  to  split  by  pressing  with  a  knife 

G'a-wa-1-hiba,  ate,  chewed 

G'a-ne-hiba,  bit 

o'a-xa,  to  cut  with  scissors 

G'a-tadadak,  flatten  with  the  teeth 

G'a-bec-ki,  cut  off  a  soft  object  with  the  teeth,  with  scissors,  or  by 

rolling  a  wheel  over  it 
si-G'al-a,  licks  it  off 

si-wor-ki-m,  stir  it  with  the  tongue! 

du-tadadak,  squeeze  flat  with  the  fingers 

du-dak-G'a.  split  with  finger-nails 

du-t  'a,  touch  with  hand  or  fingers 

da-G'al-a,  rubs  off  with  hand 

du-yi,  count,  teach,  show 

mi-yi,  count 

mi-sax-ki-hiba,  kicked 

ma-hut-ki,  break  by  pressure  of  feet 

ma-les-ki,  crush  with  the  foot 

ma-tadadak,  flatten  with  the  foot 

ma-lat-ki,  crush  with  the  hand 

ma-wor-ki-m,  stir  with  the  foot! 

ba-ko-hoba,  butted,  hit  with  the  head 

ba-gap-ki,  split  with  the  teeth,  by  pecking  with  the  bill 

ba-t'a,  touch  with  the  head  or  tongue 

ba-t-a,  tell 

ba-qo,  tell 

ba-tsan,  preach 

ba-yi,  teach 

pa-ko,  stab 

pa-les-ki,  crush  as  with  a  pestle 

ki-tadadak,  flatten  with  a  stick 

ki-luk-hiba,  rubbed  it  on  with  a  stick  or  brush 

ki-les-ki,  to  smear  with  a  hard  object 

ki-o'el-a,  rubs  off  with  a  board 

gu-luk-hiba,  rubbed  it  on  with  a  rag 

gu-o'al-a,  wipes  it  off  with  skin,  rags,  paper,  or  meat 

ca-t'a-m,  touch  it  with  the  end! 

di-ma,  to  hold  a  round  object 
k'e-ma,  to  hold  a  long  object 
k  'e-la,  carries  a  long  one 


336        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

A  prefix  gado-  seems  to  denote  "with  the  shoulder,"  while 
the  noun  kidi,  back,  is  used  both  as  a  prefix  and  as  a  verb  mean- 
ing to  carry  on  the  back,  much  as  in  English  we  "shoulder"  a 
burden. 

gado-la,  carry  an  object  on  the  shoulder 
bihya-xam  ba  gado-mi,  hand-on  that  hold-ye! 
kidi-la,  carry  an  object  on  the  back 
kidi-ga,  hold  on  the  back 
gau-kidi-m,  carry  it  indoors  on  your  back! 

Suffixes  express  tense  and  mode  and  make  verbal  nouns.  There 
are  also  a  transitive,  a  causative,  a  frequentative ;  four  suffixes  of 
number ;  and,  strange  to  say,  a  suffix  with  the  meaning  ' '  around, ' ' 
where  one  would  expect  a  prefix.  It  is  likely  that  the  real 
or  former  meaning  of  this  suffix  was  modal,  not  spatial.  The 
suffixes  of  number  in  transitive  verbs  refer  to  the  subject  and 
not  the  object.  The  suffixes  of  tense  and  mode  follow  the  others. 
There  seems  to  be  no  inchoative,  the  independent  verb  bayipki, 
begin,  being  used  as  an  auxiliary.  While  the  fact  that  the 
speaker  makes  his  statement  on  the  authority  of  others  is 
expressed  by  the  suffix  -li,  a  particle  xa  usually  also  accompanies 
such  statements. 

-1,  singular  subject 

-k,  -aki,  plural  subject 

-ki,  singular  subject  (less  frequent) 

-ma,  plural  subject  (less  frequent) 

-mli,  -mal,  around 

-kil,  frequentative,  continuative 

-ki,  -xi,  transitive 

-G'a,  -c'era,  causative 

-a,  present,  immediate  past 

-hiba,  past 

-hi,  past,  less  frequently  used 

-eo'a,  future 

-bae,  purposive  future,  conditional  intentive 

-kima,  usitative  past,  continuative  perfect  . 

-ne,  -ni,  apparentative,  "must  have" 

-nki,  putative 

-li,  quotative,  "dubitative" 

-kile,  past  (quotative?) 

-aeli,  conditional 

-m,  imperative 

-mi,  imperative,  plural  subject 

-xale,  agent,  habitual 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  337 

-k,  agent,  verbal  noun,  attributive  adjective 
-e,  -k-i,  predicative  adjective 
-pi,  -pila,  if,  until 
-witca,  although 
•gaia,  after 

-mak,  have,  to  be  provided  with 
Examples: 

G'a-wa-ik-mi,  eat  ye! 

wa  mai  G'a-wa-ik-a,  we  food  eat 

mai  ha  G'a-wa-1-e,  food  I  eat 

wi  mara-ki-aik-a,  me  they-like 

ha  mara-ki-al-a,  I  like-them 

ba  u  mara-haba,  that  me  pleased 

Zok-a,  it  dropped! 

Zok-ane,  it  must  have  fallen 

tee-ami  Gauk  da  ma  pa-ko-y-aeli,  what-kind-of  man  (interrog.)  you 

stab-would  f 
pa-ko-yeo'a,  will  stab 

ha  pa-ko-y-aeli-hiba,  I  would-have-stabbed-him 
wi  sinem-pila,  I  if-had-been-able 
wi  da  ma  gar-a,  me  do  you  see? 
wi  da  ma  gar-ma,  me  do  you  (father-in-law)  see? 
wa  mi  gar-ma,  we  thee  see 
ha  mai  gar-ki-ba,  I  you  saw 

xa  am  nis  yehek-li,  it-is-said  something  evil  he-has-done 
wa  bici  kil-o'a-yaki-hi,  we  a-deer  hang-made 
cik-ma,  they  say 
ha  cik-a,  I  said 

mip  am  boo-1-aeli,  he  something  could-hunt 
mip  xa  am  boo-li,  he  it-is-said  something  hunted 
bek  am  boo-yaki-a,  they  hunted 
bek  xa  am  boo-yake-li,  they  hunted,  they  say 
ha  kuhul-uhu-bae,  I  north-go-will 
ha  o'ai  am  boo-yeo'a,  I  also  something  hunt-shall 
mip  am  guhu-nki,  he  something  is-reported-to-be-eating 
me-a  buci  buragal  wal-ine,  here  some-time-ago  bear  must-have-passed 
guma-kil-ma-wa-k-hiba,  fought  together 
mal-inki,  is  going  about  (without  having  been  seen) 
gaki-G'a,  make  sit  down 
gap-ki-o'a,  cause  to  jump 
guhu-xi,  make  eat 
kilwa-xi,  make  him  fight 
kil-ma-wa-k-G' a-bae,  will  make  them  fight 
yiba-mak,  has  a  tail 
a-mak,  it  has  horns 
pidik-a,  it  is  dark 

pidik-a-yeo'a,  it  is  getting  dark,  it  will  soon  be  dark 
pidi-pida-nki,  it  looks  dark 
wa  gap  duhye-ki-bae,  we  jumping  cease-will 


338        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

ha  am  boo-1  duhye-bae,  I  hunting  cease-will 

ha  mi  mer-G'a-bae,  I  you  lie-cause-will,  I  will  leave  you  here 

ha  mi  ba  d-ed-e-1-kil-hiba,  I  you  that  told-continually 

wa  mi  d-ed-e-ik-a,  or  d-ed-e-yaki-a,  we  you  tell 

wi  am  bayi-1-xale,  me  something  teaches-who,  my  teacher 

wal  am  bayi-k-xale,  our  teachers 

bek  wi  bayi-k-a,  they  me  teach 

ha  si-hyil-k-hiba,  I  vomited 

wa  pucul-m-a,  we  blow 

durhic*  a-y-aki-a,  they  cheated 

xo-kidi-mli-m  ba,  fire-carry-around  that! 

da  ma  wi-nalal  gur-ak-ae'a,  will  you  me-to  carry-it? 

yowa-1  kide-G'a-m,  carry  it  down! 

Gaw-uhu-m,  enter  thou! 

Gau-pili-mi,  enter  ye! 

ha  gai-na  mer-G'  aki-hi,  I  ground-on  lay-down 

e  ha  yu  guhu-hu,  yes  I  already  have-eaten 

gamal-kil-hi,  he  sat  continually 

bek  ca-uwa  tsa-pili-hi,  they  home-from  away-went 

wi  xapid-a-nki,  I  am  sorry 

wi  xapid-a-pi,  please 

ha  xapid-a-ki-al-hiba,  I  pitied 

wi  xapid-a-ki-aik-mi,  me  pity-ye! 

G'awi  yo-G'a-m,  boy  become-make-yourself ! 

mip  G'awi  yo-kil-hiba,  he  boy  became-always 

kil-a,  it  hangs 

xale-na  ha  kil-hiba,  tree-on  I  hung 

xale-na  ha  tcasulem  kil-G'  a-haba,  tree-on  I  a-rope  hung 

xale-na  ha  k'ehei  kil-G' a-ki-hiba,  tree-on  I  self  made-to-hang 

ma  wi  manak-akwi-pila,  you  me  pay-not-if 

wi  mara-ki-al-pi  mip,  toadamal  wi  hetc-bae,  me  likes-if  he,  to-day 

me  visit-will 

xa  xa  mipal-wina  ne-mle-li,  water  it-is-said  him-over  covered-around 
wi  lil-uhu-G'a-m,  let  me  go! 
wi  ba-ya  lil-uhu-ne-heba,  I  was  going  there    (said  if  action  was 

invisible,  as  through  blindness) 
Ga-hiem-xale,  permanent  house-watcher 
Ga-hiem-k,  occasional  house-watcher 
da  ma  hiem-kima,  did  you  formerly-always-watch-it? 
cak-im  wax,  kill-it  for-me! 

ha  buragal  cox-witca  ha  com-hiba,  I  bear  shot-at-though  I  missed 
ha  mi  manak-bae  wi  ma  baqo-pila,  I  you  pay-will  me  you  inform-if 
ha   mi   manak-pila,   di   ma   wi   baqo-y-aele,   I   you   paid-if,   you   me 

inform-could? 

ha  pa-sax-ki-gaia  ha  kul-uhu-huba,  I  hit-after  I  off -went 
me-a  dad-ui-mal-im,  here  creep-around! 

wa  mi  gar-ma-kima-haba  xaiumi,  we  you  saw-constantly  formerly 
ha  dok  G'omtsa  mel-kil-hiba  intca  ha  butsegi  yu  e  to,  I  formerly 

much  used-to-know  but  I  old-man  already  am  now 


1911]  h'roeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  339 

Occasionally  the  tense  suffix  is  detached  from  the  verb  and 
added  to  the  negative  kui  or  akui. 

ha  yul  buragal  com-witca  ha  kui-hiba  cox,  I  formerly  a-bear  missed- 
but  I  not-did  shoot 

The  reciprocal  is  expressed  by  the  plural  suffix  -ma,  sometimes 
with  xon-al  added. 

ba  ki  xonal  da-bek-ma-kima,  they  used  to  parcel  out  to  one  another 
xonal  wa  kil-ma-wa-k-hiba,  we  fought  each  other 
masan-ek-G'ai  hintil-ek-G'ai  wa  guma-kil-ma-wa-k-hiba,  white-man- 
and  Indian-both  we  fought-each-other 

Duplication  is  not  so  common  in  the  verb  as  in  the  adjective, 
but  is  not  infrequent.  It  indicates  repetition  or  continuation; 
duplication  of  only  part  of  the  stem — reduplication — does  not 
seem  to  be  usual. 

wi  ganu-ganuk-im,  speak  to  me! 

cauk  mudal-dal-a  c'omtsa  e,  many  people  are  dead 

wa  gumu  mudal-dal-aka-oG'a,  we  all  shall  die. 

d-ed-e-1-a,  tells 

maru-maru-m,  tell  myths! 

mati-mati-ki-m,  fill  it  full! 

wi  pira-pira-m,  fan  me  quickly!   (wi  pili-m,  fan  me!) 

da  mi  xadu-xadum-a,  do  you  dream? 

xa-tsibo-tsibok-pila,  water-bubbles-if 

ha  gap-ki-a,  I  jump!  ha  gap-gap-ki-a,  I  make  several  jumps 

wa  gap-ma,  gap-gap-ma,  we  ibid. 

There  are  instances  that  resemble  incorporation  of  the  noun- 
object,  but  they  cannot  be  positively  set  down  as  such.  The 
object  often  immediately  precedes  the  verb ;  it  is  unmarked  by  a 
case-suffix ;  and  like  most  words  it  commonly  ends  in  a  vowel  and 
therefore  readily  runs  into  one  sound-complex  with  the  following 
verb  without  actually  being  united  with  it. 

xo-kidi-mli-m  ba,  fire-carry-around  that! 
xai-kil-G'a,  stick-hang-make,  to  institute  a  dance 
xai-bat-en-kil-c'a-yake-le,  make  a  big  dance 
xai-dakal-ake-le,  finished  dancing 

There  are  also  instances  of  what  appear  to  be  compound  verbs, 
but  which  are  perhaps  only  two  verbs  in  juxtaposition,  the  first 
lacking  tense-mode  suffixes  and  in  subordination  to  the  second. 

sima-negi-m,  sleep!  sleep-go-to! 
sima-mer-hiba,  sleeping  lay 


340        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

The  following  verbs  show  different  stems  in  singular  and 
plural.  There  are  no  doubt  others.  Those  that  are  transitive  are 
usually  used  in  the  plural  form  if  the  object  is  plural.  Verbal 
suffixes  of  plurality,  on  the  other  hand,  refer  to  the  subject  even 
in  transitive  verbs. 

die,  mudal,  plural  mudal-dal,  lia 

kill,  duli,  dut.,  plural  eak 

eat,  guhu,  plural  G'a-wa 

stand,  gok,  yuhu,  G<o,  plural  pil,  c'ula 

sit,  ga,  plural  napo 

lie,  mer,  plural  gudem,  pid 

hang,  kil,  plural  liki,  pubi 

give,  die' a,  plural  sixa,  silax 

run,  aga,  plural  gadi 

walk,  wal,  mal,  plural  pil 

go,  uhu,  plural  pili 

hold,  ma,  plural  subject,  sa 

Certain  verbs,  especially  of  mental  or  physiological  action, 
are  used  with  their  subject  in  the  objective  case  unless  they  are 
specially  provided  with  the  transitive  suffix.  This  is  one  of  the 
specific  features  in  which  Porno  resembles  Yuki. 

wi  mi  mara',  I  like  you 

ha  mi  mara-ki-al-a,  I  like  you 

wi  si-hyil-a-eG<  a-nki,  I  feel  that  I  shall  vomit 

ha  si-hyil-bae,  I  will  make  myself  vomit 

COMPOSITION  AND  DERIVATION. 

The  list  of  adverbs  that  has  been  given  shows  that  there  is 
derivation  in  Porno.  The  process  is  not  conspicuous  in  the 
language  because  its  function  in  the  verb  is  nearly  filled  by  the 
adverbial-instrumental  prefixes  which  have  been  discussed  among 
grammatical  elements,  and  because  in  the  noun  composition 
appears  largely  to  take  the  place  of  derivation.  Compounds  like 
yu-xa,  eye-water,  cima-mo,  ear-hole,  xa-hola,  day-sack,  bihya- 
tsuxai,  hand-fingers,  xama-tsuxai-hrik,  toe-nails,  are  frequent. 
Affixes  deriving  nouns  from  substantival  or  verbal  stems,  such 
as  are  important  in  Yuki  and  in  many  other  languages,  have  not 
been  found.  Hya  is  wind  or  blow,  bati  arrow  or  shoot,  kidi  back 
or  carry.  The  order  of  composition  is  the  most  common 
American  one:  the  determining  noun  precedes,  the  determining 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  341 

verb  follows,  the  regent  noun :  xa-t-om,  waves ;  xai-t-ada-t-ada-ya, 
stick-flat,  boards;  q'us-dalutegi,  baby-wrap,  placenta.  That 
noun-composition  is  of  much  importance,  is  evident  from  words 
denoting  parts  of  the  body.  Hya,  bone,  kidi,  back,  kidi-hya, 
back-bone;  t'a,  buttocks,  t'a-mo,  anus;  g'o  or  g'o-mo,  navel; 
tsi  'me,  hair,  fur,  ai-tsi  'me,  pubic  hair,  ui-tsi  'me,  eye-lash ;  ui-kui, 
eye-brow,  ui-mo,  face.  Bihya,  hand,  perhaps  contains  mi-,  with 
the  hand  or  foot,  and  hya,  bone;  xama,  foot,  may  contain  the 
element  ma-,  synonymous  with  mi-.  Da-o'ol  is  kidney,  ya-c'ol 
testicle.  Tsida  is  skin,  xa-tsida  mouth,  xa-tsutsu  beard. 
Mi-hya-kabo,  throat,  suggests  hya,  wind,  blow.  Names  of  animals 
show  some  reduplication;  gigi,  otter,  ba-zim-zim,  chipmunk. 
Noun-stems  can  be  used  as  verbs,  and  verb-stems  as  nouns ;  maru 
is  both  a  myth  and  to  tell  myths;  xo,  fire,  xo-ki,  to  make  fiery, 
to  become  angry;  na-sima-gaiai,  rear-sleep-place-of,  rear-bed- 
room, from  na,  back  of  house,  opposite  door,  sima,  to  sleep,  and 
probably  instrumental  -yai,  of  gai,  earth. 

VERB  STEMS. 

The  following  verb  stems  or  near-stems  have  been  determined. 
Some  of  these  can  occur  without  adverbial  and  instrumental 
prefixes;  others  have  been  found  only  in  connection  with  these 
prefixes.  Some  stems  are  of  quite  indefinite  meaning,  depending 
for  their  specific  meaning  on  an  instrumental  prefix.  Thus  ba-ko 
to  butt,  pa-ko  to  stab,  mi-ko  to  kick,  di-ko  to  strike  with  a  round 
or  square  object;  ba-yi  to  teach,  mi-yi  to  count,  du-yi  to  show, 
teach,  or  count.  Other  stems  are  limited,  without  any  prefixes, 
to  actions  performed  on  certain  classes  of  objects,  as  an,  to  throw 
a  long  or  flat  object,  ban,  to  throw  a  small  or  round  object. 
Others  which  appear  to  be  limited  instrumentally,  are  so  prob- 
ably only  in  translation :  ak  and  ap,  to  carry  in  the  hand  and  to 
carry  in  the  arms,  probably  mean  to  carry  a  small  object  and 
to  carry  a  long  or  large  one. 

aga,  run  (sing.)  ban,  throw  a  round  object,  put 

ak,  carry  in  the  hand  bar,  babar,  deceive 

an,  throw  a  long  or  flat  object  bas,  rub,  smudge 

ap,  carry  in  the  arms  or  held  bati,  shoot 

against  the  body  bayipki,  begin 


342        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


bee,  cut  off 

bill,  suck,  eat  mush 

bo ',  boo,  hunt 

bol,  pour 

bot,  shatter,  split  by  throwing 

cak,  eaka,  kill  (plur.  obj.) 

cal,  visit 

cama,  say  no,  dissuade 

cik,  say 

cok,  hear 

com,  shoot  at,  miss 

cudim,  come 

sup 'at,  jerk  off 

dad-ui,  creep 

dak,  split 

da-ko,  catch 

dal,  break  up  by  pounding 

dawi,  stuff,  put  in 

dec',  take,  carry 

didik,  stop 

di-G'a,  give  (sing,  obj.) 

dika,  start  to 

die',  diq,  swallow 

doc,  strike 

dop,  cut  off 

duhye,  stop,  cease 

duix,  urge 

duli,  dut-,  kill  (sing,  obj.) 

dur-hi,  du-dur,  cheat 

dut-,  tie  up,  roll  up 

d-aq,  mash 

d-ed-e,  tell 

djo,  peck 

ga,  sit  (sing.) 

gadi,  run  (plur.) 

ganuk,  speak  (cf.  ni,  nu.) 

gap,  split 

gap,  jump 

gar,  see 

gik,  jab,  strike 

gubi,  put  in 

gudem,  lie  (plur.  of  animate 

beings) 

guden,  shoot  (plur.) 
guhu,  eat  (sing,  obj.) 
gule,  complete,  do  entirely 
guta,  find,  see 
oa-ma,  oa-ki,  sit  (sing.) 
codo,  roll 


Gox,  shoot  and  hit 

ma-Gox,  shout 

G'a,  gamble 

G<a,  fill,  be  full 

o'ada,  hate 

G'al,  wipe,  rub  off 

G<  al,  lift 

G'ana,  drive 

G'atc,  whittle  off 

G'a-wa,  eat  (plur.  obj.)  cf. 

G<  a,  full 

G'a-wim,  build  house 
G'o,  gok,  stand,  be  (sing,  of 

inanimate  objects) 
G'oki,  drink 
c'ula,  stand  (plur.) , 
hetc,  visit,  see,  look 
hiem,  watch 
ho,  draw  up,  bunch 
hu,  do 

hut,  crack,  split,  shatter 
hya,  blow,  be  wind 
hyek,  end 
hyil,  vomit 
kadi,  come,  reach,  go 
ki,  pick  up,  lift,  carry,  bring 
kia,  dance 
kidi,  carry  on  back 
kil,  be  hanging  (sing.) 
ko,  strike 
kul,  fear 

k'em,  be,  continue 
k'iuk,  cool 
la,  carry 
lat,  mash 
lekida,  glad 
les,  smear,  flatten,  mash 
lex,  melt,  dissolve 
lia,  die,  dead  (plur.) 
liki,  hang   (plur.;  trans,  and 

intrans.) 
lorn,  make  noise 
lox,  tie,  roll  up 
luk,  rub  on 
iok,  drop  in 
ma,  hold  (sing,  subj.) 
ma-bi,  ma-yap,  face,  look 
madi,  fill  tight,  jam 
maca,  search,  look  for 


1911] 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


343 


m;ik,  raise  a  liquid 

mal,  =  wal 

mad-u,  Buck  blood 

iii:uia  k.  pay 

maru,  tell  traditions 

maxar,  cry 

me,  know 

mer,  lie  (sing.) 

mihyam,  be  reluctant,  stingy 

minam,  full,  fill 

mondo,  pile  up 

mudal,  die,  dead 

Miumu,  try 

napo.  sit  (plur.) 

ne,  overflow,  float 

ne,  bite 

negi,  nek,  go  to 

ni,  nu,  say,  speak 

nu-wa,  urge 

ok,  answer 

ol,  throw  at 

padi,  swim 

pawil,  curl,  wrap 

pibak,  come,  appear 

pid,  lie  (plur.) 

pid-ak,  pad-ak,  break 

pi-li,  pi-ra,  fan 

pil,  stand,  walk  (plur.) 

pili,  go  (plur.) 

pit'e,  full 

pu-cen,  pu-t'am,  take  breath 

pu-cul,  blow 

pu-c'a,  whistle 
pubi,  hang  (plur.  of  intrans. 

subj.  or  trans,  obj.) 
pudi,  steal 
puhye,  slow,  slack  (cf.  hyek) 


pusut.  cool 

qo,  tie,  make  hang 

ba-qo,  tell 

sa,  hold  (plur.  subj.) 

sam,  make  fire 

sax,  strike,  hit 

sima,  sleep 

sixa,  silax,  give  (plur.  obj.) 

tadadak,  flatten,  squeeze 

t'a,  touch,  overtake 

t'ap,  slap,  skin,  chip,  split  off, 

whittle 

t'es,  cut  off,  whittle 
t'ik,  remain  at 
tsa,  chew 
ba-tsan,  preach 
tsari,  be  angry 
tseixki,  be  sorry 
tsibok,  bubble 
tsom,  finish,  die 
bi-tcu,  gnaw  off 
uhu,  go,  come  (sing.) 
wa,  chew,  eat  (plur.  obj.) 
wa,  wal,  mal,  walk,  go,  pass 
wor,  stir 
xa,  cut,  cut  off 
xadum,  dream 
si-xal,  cry 

xapida,  pity,  be  sorry 
xar,  shave 
xaxak,  ask,  require 
xe,  sing 
yehe,  do 

yi,  teach,  count,  show 
yo,  become 
yuhu,  stand  (sing.) 


Dok  xa 

Long  ago  it  In  said 

xatunu'dal-o'  ai 

a  species  of  lizard  and 


TEXT, 

napo'-kil-i  ba-y-a'wa 

town-eontinually-was.  That-from 

tara'o'  ai              xa  co-1 

wasp                       it  is  said  east-ward 


boo'-iak£-le        duw-i'na        oai 

bunted  (pi.)  night-at. 

wi'axo         baca'latso  G'  ai 

star*  Pleiades  and 


pidi'-k  'em-ide 

Dark  continued, 

kui         k'e'ra-kil-e 

not  were. 


la 


xa 

.  it  is  said 

bice' 

deer 

ku'i 

not 

bat-i'-ai 

Arrow-with 


344         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 
boo'-yake-le  bice'  xatunu'dal-ek  aVolde-le 

hunted  deer  lizard-he  using  deer  mask  (?) 

co'-pil-eli  co'-danu-na  bice'  maaa'-ik  co'-lila 

east-went  (pi.)  East-mountain-on  deer  seeking,  east-far 

bice'  guta-yakl'-kui  mmidai'xa  xatunu'dal-he-mip 

deer  seeing-(pl.)-not,  at  that  time  lizard-he 

co          xaa'  guta-le          ba-y-awa  xa  qama'1-pil-eli 

east  light  saw.  That-from  it  is  said  back-went  (pi.), 

bice  boo-ik  baXa'-yaki  napo'-na  ga'1-pil-eli 

deer  hunting  leaving,  town-to  home-went 

he'g-ibax        napo'-mil        hi-ibax         qaug-ula-1         xa-dje-dje-li 

their  town-to.  His  people  told 

co         hi         xaa'         guta         i'a'an-xa         kunu'la         bii'tcige 

east  he  day  saw.  Then  Coyote  old  man 

xa-nariwa  qa  co'-pil-ele49  xaa'-hola  ba 

turtle  and(?)  east-went  (pi.)  daylight-sack  that 

pudi'-bae50          pil-a'li          pil-a'li          co          co'-pil-eli          mm 

steal-would.  Went  (pi.)  went  east  east-went,  thus 

pil-a'li  pil-a'li  duw-ina  tarao'ay-ek  o'ai 

went,  went,  night-at  wasp-he  and 

xa-na'riwa-G*  ai  pil-a'li  etc.  .  .  . 

turtle-and  went, 

kunu'la         bu'tcige         he-mi'p          hi-mara-xa         yox-kil-e 

Coyote  old  man  he  what-desired  made-always ; 

cela-yoa'an          aawi'-o'  a-yoa'  an          bu'tcige-o' a-yoo' an          am 

young-man-became,  boy-became  old-man-became,  what 

ba      du'rnio'  a-l-ba      napu'-na      xo'-l-pil-eli      xanariwa-i-himak 

that  cheat-would.  Town-to  to  (?)  went  turtle-with. 

mm         xa         marakai         xo'-l-pil-eli         bai         xa         cawi-k 

Thus  dance-honse  to-went.  There  boy-s 

xotc          napo-le          marake-bai          kunu'la          he-mi'p        xa 

two  lived  dance-house-in.  Coyote  he 

qa'w-oho-le       qa'w-uhu-io' a       o'awi-k       he-be'k-al       nme'Xi-le 

in- went;  in-go-would.  Boys  them  asked, 

guhula-bax      ganu-k-le       ba-ia       wax       oawi-k-ula       a'm       da 

north-of  spoke  there:  "My  boys,  what      (int.) 

uba       ki'-l-a51        niVane-le        kunu'la        he-mip        I'o'an-xa 

that  hangs?"  Said  Coyote  he.  Then 


49  Heard  as  cop-hil-ele.    Evidently  p  is  well  aspirated. 

50  Heard  as  bap-hudi-ba. 

si  The  equivalent  in  Eastern  Porno  is  here  substituted.     The  original 
Northern  Porno  runs:  awl-qawia  qota  awel  cilina'. 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  345 


oawi'-k-he-bek      wa'-l     ku'i-hiba      kiba      ba-baqd'-o'  -aki      wa-1 

boys-they:  "Us  not  tell  (pi.  );  us 

ki-mana-k-pila-ga       xa-ele       ba       wa      ba-baqo'-yaki-ba      mm 

pay-if,  it  we  tell-  (pi.)  -will.  Thus 

wa-1  ni'k-bek  ha'rik-bek  tse'ts-bek  ce'x-bek 

us  mothers,  fathers,  mothers'  brothers,    mothers'  sisters  , 

g'a'ta-bek  ga'ts-bek  vva-1  bayi'-k-iba  intcaxa 

mothers'  mothers,     mothers'  fathers,  us  instructed."  Nevertheless 

yu-pa        kunu'la        he-ralp        nine'-Xi-le  kunula 

again  Coyote  he  asked:  (As  above.)  Coyote 

he-mip  nini'-nine-le  pucu'i  ca-be-p-ki 

he  kept  asking.  "  Shell  -ornaments     making-  them-move-through 

wa'-l  cima'-mo  ca-be'-m-pila'-k'axa  wa 

us  ear-hole  through-them-put-if-then  we 

ba-baqo'-yaki-ba       ia'an-xa      kunu'-la        he-mip        hola-k'alu'l 

tell  (pi.)  -will."  Then  Coyote  he  bag-dry 

ki-di'-m-du-li        ba'-ibax-ka        pucu'i        cima'-mo        ca-be'-m-li 

carried.  That-of  shells  ear-hole  put  through 

cawi-k-he-be'g-al      ba-qo-ba      am-bai'      ia'an-xa      baqo'-yake-li 

boys-them  tell-would  what-in.  Then  told: 

kunu'la        ho'la-bai        kunula        hola-yai        xaa'-hola        ba-e 

"Coyote,  bag-in.  Coyote,  bag-with,  light-bag          that  is," 

ni'nxalola         oawi'-k-  'e-bek         io'an-xa         kunu'la         he-mip 

said  boys-they.  Then  Coyote  he 

maxar-bayipke-le        hi-bax        oawi-k       hola-iyai        ki-xaa'-hola 

cry-began,  his-own  boys  bag-with  light-bag 

ki-o'  a-o'  a-yagi        i'za        ba-baku'min         nm        k'e'm-li        mm 

stuff  (pretended).  Thus  was  sorry.  Then  it-was.  Thus 

k'e'm-i      xa-duwe'-k-li       kunula      butcegi       he-mip    xo-aga-le 

it-was  night-was.  Coyote  old  man  he  out-ran 

napo'-na  cauk  ku'i-dai  xa-ele  xa-du'we-k-le 

town-at  people  not-  (?)  .  Night  was. 

duwe'-k-an-xaki          ma'rakai          ki-xo'-sam-age-li          xo-limba 

Night-after-then  dance-house  fire-built  (pi.).  Fire-fan 

min-pill'-ma  ki-xo'-muhye-age-li  xo-pusut-xanXa 

thus  fanned-each-other.  Fire-cooled  (pi.).  Fire-cooled. 

kunula  butcige  he-mip  yo'o'ai  oau-dad-u'-ile 

Coyote  old  man  he  made  himself  honse-ln-came. 

oa-uwa       xaki        bat  'a-y-ag^-le        butcige        hee        da-ko'-me 

House  from         then  called  (pi.):  "Old  man  the  catch-ye! 


346        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

xo-ba           ku'm-bae           na-G'oni-mi  xaki           dako'-yage-li 

Pire-in                  fall-might.               At-back-lay-him ! "  Then                     caught  (pi.). 

i'o'an-xa             cabe'-yo             k'a  ha             me'r-i-kil-hiba 

Then                 "  Center-post-ander  I                             lie-always," 

yu'-cua         ba-ba'r-hia' a-i           6'  6'          min          xakilo'le 

he  deceived.                 "Yes,  yes,"             thus                      said, 

heg-al            kuma            ma'l-hee  mee'1-ma-kwi 

them-to                    enemy                       ?      -the  knowing-  (pi.)  not. 


NORTHERN   POMO. 

The   following   grammatical   forms   of   the   Northern    Porno 
dialect  have  been  ascertained: 

PRONOUN. 


Subjective 

Objective 

Possessive 

SI. 
82. 

a 
ma 

wito,  tou 
mito 

ke 
mil 

S3m. 
f. 
n. 

mou 
man 

mowal 
madal 
mul 

mowa 
mada 

PI. 
P2. 

ya 

ma 

yal 

yaa 

P3. 

pou 

powa 

Before  terms  of  relationship  the  subjective  forms  are  used 
instead  of  the  possessive. 


CASE    ENDINGS. 

-nemu,  nemi,  in  -yo,  under  (deep,  hole) 

-nemutu,  from  -diyi,  with,  near 

-qa,  to  -wi,  with,  by  means  of 
-mina,  on 

VERB    PREFIXES. 

ca-,  with  the  side 

pa-,  with  the  end 

ma-,  with  the  foot 

mi-,  with  the  hand 

pi-,  by  a  falling  edge 

ci-,  by  a  drawing  edge 

tea-,  tcake-,  with  a  severing  or  scraping  motion 

ka-,  with  a  severing  motion  into  a  soft  object 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  347 

VERB    SUFFIXES. 

-ta,  interrogative,  usually  enclitic  to  first  word 

-m,  imperative,  singular  and  plural 

-ti,  past  and  present 

-tcaddi,  future 

-da,  desiderative 

-ka,  -kai,    causative 

-tci,  (f) 

-ka,  (f) 

-n,  (») 

It  appears  that  while  a  large  proportion  of  the  grammatical 
elements  of  the  Northern  and  Eastern  dialects  are  different,  the 
plan  of  structure  is  essentially  the  same  in  the  two  languages. 


348        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


YUKI. 

The  territory  and  divisions  of  the  Yuki  have  been  described 
in  previous  publications  of  the  Department,  especially  in  Dr.  S. 
A.  Barrett's  ' ' Ethno-Geography  of  the  Porno  Indians."52  This 
work  contains  also  vocabularies  of  the  four  principal  Yuki 
languages.  These  are  the  Yuki  proper,  in  the  drainage  of  the 
Middle  Fork  of  Eel  river,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
present  Round  Valley  reservation;  the  Huchnom,  on  South  Eel 
river;  the  Coast  Yuki  on  the  ocean  west  of  the  Yuki;  and  the 
Wappo,  to  the  south  in  the  Geyserville-Calistoga  region.  The 
Coast  Yuki  and  the  Wappo  are  separated,  respectively  by  the 
Athabascan  Kato  and  by  the  Porno,  from  the  Yuki  proper  and 
the  Huchnom.  Dialectic  differentiations  occur  within  Yuki 
proper  and  Wappo.  Of  the  four  languages,  Wappo  is  the  most 
divergent.  The  dialect  here  reviewed  is  Yuki  proper. 

PHONETICS. 

The  phonetic  system  of  Yuki  is  simple.  It  lacks  velars,  but 
has  two  classes  of  t  sounds,  one  being  distinctly  palatal  (t-), 
almost  approximating  English  ch,  the  other  interdental  (t).  Tc, 
equivalent  to  English  ch,  is  treated  by  the  language  as  if  it  were 
a  single  sound.  In  addition  there  are  labials  and  post-palatals, 
the  latter  apparently  formed  somewhat  farther  back  in  the  mouth 
than  the  ordinary  English  k  sounds.  This  makes  stops  in  five 
positions,  if  the  affricative  tc  is  included.  For  each  of  these 
positions  there  is  also  a  stressed  fortis  surd,  but  no  sonant  stop.528 
There  are  also  no  fricatives  other  than  s  and  c.  The  only  nasals 
are  n  and  m.  The  k-nasal,  fi,  does  not  occur  as  an  organic  sound, 


52  vi,  1-332,  1908. 

52»  To  be  exact,  the  ' '  surd ' '  stops  are  weakly  aspirated  and  partially 
sonant,  probably  during  the  explosion,  when  they  are  initial  or  followed 
by  a  vowel;  but  fully  surd,  and  strongly  aspirated,  when  final.  Theoreti- 
cally gup  and  uk<  would  therefore  be  as  correct  an  orthography  as 
kup  and  uk.  Since  "g"  and  "k'"  are  however  only  variations  due 
to  position,  and  are  organically  the  same  sound,  and  as  there  is  no  other 
k  in  the  language  except  fortis  k',  the  designation  of  both  the  initial 
and  final  sound  by  k  seems  justified.  It  may  be  added  that  exactly  the 
same  relation  between  initial  and  final  stopped  consonants  exists  in  the 
Shoshonean  dialects  and  probably  in  a  number  of  other  American  languages. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  349 

but  is  found  occasionally  before  k  as  an  assimilation  from  m  or  n. 
There  appears  to  be  only  one  n  for  the  two  t  sounds.  An  1  occurs, 
but  there  is  no  r.  S  and  c  appear  to  be  two  distinct  sounds,  but 
are  similar. 

k        k!  (ft) 

to       tc ! 

t-        t-  !  8,  c 

t         t!  n 

p        p!  m 

1,  w,  y,  h  or  ' ,  ' 

The  vowels  are  five  in  number :  i,  a,  a",  o,  and  u.  They  are  all 
full  sounds.  0,  which  is  rather  uncommon,  is  open.  E  does  not 
seem  to  occur  as  an  original  sound,  but  i  takes  on  several  varying 
shades  and  sometimes  comes  nearer  e  than  i.  These  forms  of  i 
have  been  represented,  as  heard,  by  i  and  e.  All  the  vowels  may 
occur  followed  by  an  aspiration,  indicated  by  ',  or  by  a  glottal 
stop,  shown  by  '.  The  vowels  when  long  do  not  change  quality, 
but  are  frequently  doubled.  All  double  vowels  that  have  been 
written  without  an  intervening  apostrophe  or  hyphen  are  equiva- 
lent to  a  single  long  vowel.  Vowels  that  occur  between  stems  and 
suffixes  to  prevent  contact  of  two  consonants  are  sometimes  more 
or  less  obscure.  The  sound  i  is  most  frequently  employed  in 
this  way. 

All  the  vowels  and  all  the  consonants  occur  both  initially  and 
finally.  Final  h,  y,  and  w  result  in  aspirated  vowels  or  in 
diphthongs. 

Combinations  of  consonants,  and  true  diphthongs,  do  not 
occur  at  the  beginning  or  end  of  words  nor  in  stems.  Conse- 
quently there  are  no  combinations  of  more  than  two  consonants 
even  in  composition  and  derivation.  When  consonants  are 
brought  in  contact  by  the  union  of  stems,  they  either  remain 
unmodified,  as  in  miit-lamciim,  sky-shaman ;  or  there  is  an 
assimilation  as  in  anmmis,  from  anp  mis;  or  a  short  vowel  is 
inserted,  as  in  tat-i-si-mil.  The  first  process  is  quite  common. 
The  second,  where  the  first  two  of  the  consonants  is  modified,  is 
unusual,  occuring  chiefly  when  one  of  the  consonants  is  nasal. 
P-m  becomes  m  or  more  strictly  mm.  N-l  and  perhaps  t-1  become 
1.  Mk  and  nk  become  iik.  In  accordance  with  the  phonetic 
character  of  the  language,  which  is  averse  to  modifications  of 


350         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

stem  syllables,  these  assimilations  are  however  often  not  made  in 
careful  speech,  both  consonants  being  pronounced.  The  third 
process,  that  of  the  intercalation  of  a  short  vowel,  which  is 
usually  i  or  obscure  e,  but  occasionally  o  or  u  after  an  o  or  u 
sound,  is  also  quite  common.  It  occurs  before  s,  n,  p,  and  other 
consonants ;  in  most  cases  before  verbal  suffixes. 

Diphthongs  are  not  radical,  as  no  stems  have  been  found  con- 
taining a  dipthong  followed  by  a  consonant.  Stems  ending  in  a 
diphthong  therefore  really  consist  of  a  vowel  followed  by  y  or 
w;  naun  is  nanw,  iu  is  iw. 

Just  as  vowels  are  sometimes  inserted  between  consonants  in 
the  process  of  derivation,  so  unaccented  vowels  are  sometimes 
dropped  between  two  mutually  compatible  consonants;  kam-o'l, 
panther,  kam-1-itc,  wild  cat. 

In  rapid  speech  there  are  a  few  contractions,  such  as  of  the 
common  preterite  suffix  -wi  to  -u. 

There  is  no  vocalic  harmony  or  interinfluence  of  vowels. 

It  will  be  seen  that  phonetic  changes  are  slight  and  do  little 
to  disguise  the  structure  of  compounded  or  derived  words. 

The  phonetics  of  Yuki  can  therefore  be  characterized  as  un- 
usually simply  and  rigid.  With  all  this  quality  and  the  pre- 
dominance of  monosyllabic  stems,  which  lead  to  structural 
transparency,  there  is  however  no  approach  to  a  monosyllabic 
character  phonetically.  A  word  of  several  syllables  is  usually  a 
distinct  unit  to  the  ear,  so  that  the  difference  between  affixes  and 
independent  particles  is  usually  not  difficult  to  determine. 

GRAMMATICAL  PROCESSES. 

Practically  the  only  morphological  process  of  the  language  is 
suffixation.  By  this  means  the  language  carries  on  all  its  gram- 
matical business.  Prefixes  and  infixes  do  not  occur.  Redupli- 
cation and  vocalic  mutation  are  as  good  as  absent.  Position  or 
order  of  words  is  determined  by  custom,  but  can  have  no  gram- 
matical significance,  as  suffixes  are  regularly  used  for  every 
grammatical  relation  that  could  be  expressed  by  position.  The 
combination  of  this  unity  of  grammatical  means  with  the  rigidity 
of  phonetics,  makes  the  structure  of  the  language  unusually 
simple. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  351 

Composition  of  independent  stems  is  frequent.  Between  two 
nouns,  the  qualifier  precedes  the  qualified,  as  in  English.  When 
a  noun  is  combined  with  a  verb,  adjective,  or  adverb,  the  noun- 
element  however  invariably  precedes.  For  English  round-house 
Yuki  would  say  house-round.  Certain  stems  are  used  both  as 
independent  words  and  as  suffixes.  Such  is  mik'al,  around. 
Similarly  the  common  demonstrative  ki,  that,  enters  into  relative 
suffixes  of  verbs. 

on-yu,  earth-quake 

mil-ha°p,  deer-song 

kitcil-wok,  flint-dance 

hul-uk,  eye-water 

hul-wak,  eye-shake  (loose  woman) 

nan  uk,  mouth-water 

uk-hot-,  water-large  (ocean) 

al-kat,  wood-flat  (board) 

While  there  are  noun-deriving  and  verb-forming  suffixes, 
and  while  their  employment  is  frequent,  the  presence  of  a 
suffix  is  not  necessary  to  the  use  of  a  noun  or  verb  stem  in 
grammatical  construction.  Many  nouns,  such  as  on,  earth,  or  uk, 
water,  are  used  as  naked  stems,  and  verb  stems  can  appear  as 
imperatives  and  in  other  constructions  without  any  suffix. 

Verb  stems  can  also  be  used  as  nouns  denoting  the  action  of 
the  verb,  as  in  English.  Nevertheless,  the  distinction  between 
nouns  and  verbs  is  clear.  All  words  in  the  language,  except 
structureless  adverbs  and  connectives,  are,  grammatically  con- 
sidered, either  nouns  or  verbs,  pronouns  being  functional  equiva- 
lents of  nouns,  and  adjectives  of  verbs. 

The  range  of  ideas  expressed  by  the  suffixes  which  constitute 
the  one  means  of  grammatical  structure  in  the  language,  and  of 
which  about  seventy-five  have  been  determined,  is  comparatively 
restricted.  Including  those  that  are  semi-etymological  or  deriva- 
tive, they  may  be  classified  into :  ( 1 )  derivative  suffixes  of  nouns ; 
(2)  suffixes  expressing  number  and  gender  of  nouns  and  adjec- 
tives, and  suffixes  of  pronouns;  (3)  case-suffixes  expressing 
syntactical,  instrumental,  and  local  relations;  (4)  verbal  suffixes 
of  a  derivative  nature;  (5)  verbal  suffixes  expressing  modal, 
temporal,  and  participial  relations. 

As  in  Yokuts,  the  vowels  of  almost  all  suffixes  are  either  i  or  a. 


352         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


DERIVATIVE  SUFFIXES  OF  NOUNS. 

Derivative  suffixes  of  nouns  are  not  very  many,  but  several 
occur  with  great  frequency.  Some  definitely  denote  the  agent  or 
instrument,  but  others  appear  to  have  no  specific  meaning. 

-mo'l,  -o'l.  A  very  common  suffix  denoting  the  instrument  or 
actor,  equivalent  to  English  -er,  but  added  to  noun-stems  as  well 
as  to  verbs. 

pantc-mo '1,  pencil,  "marker" 

lil-yim-o'l,  stove,  "metal-fire-instrument" 

lo'-mo'l,  throat,  "cougher" 

nam-mo  '1,  bed,  ' '  lie-er ' ' 

-am,  a  very  frequent  suffix  on  both  noun  and  verb  stems. 
Sometimes  it  means  "partaking  of  the  nature  of,"  "that  which 
is  somewhat  like."  More  often  it  has  no  meaning  of  its  own 
that  can  be  determined.  Most  of  the  stems  on  which  it  occurs 
are  not  used  without  it,  even  in  composition  or  derivation.  It 
is  especially  frequent  on  stems  denoting  animals  and  parts  of  the 
body.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  this  derivational  -am  is  originally 
the  same  as  the  collective  suffix  -am  or  -lam  and  the  verbal 
usitative  or  continuative  -am.  An  -am  found  on  adjectives  is 
probably  also  connected. 

uk-am,  swamp  (uk,  water) 

ol-am,  brush,  brushy  place  (ol,  tree) 

on-am,  earth-worm  (on,  earth) 

on-poy-am,  mole 

ay-am,  buzzard  (any,  glide) 

tit-am,  mountain 

cam-am,  raccoon 

sum-am,  brains 

katc-am,  bad 

tat-am,  pretty  (tat,  good) 

k'il-am,  striped 

tik-am,  smooth 

ha"tc-am,  hard,  strong,  durable 

-il. 

kitc-il,  flint 

-is. 

lop-is,  jackrabbit 

-nom,  people  of. 

uk-om-nom,  Yuki  of  Eound  Valley 
lil-cik-nom,  a  Yuki  division  (  rock-black-people) 
hutc-nom,  Huchnom,  Tatu,  or  Kedwood  Indians 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  353 


SUFFIXES  OF  NUMBER  AND  GENDER. 

-/,  -a,  plural,  -i  is  the  more  common,  but  any  noun  is  always 
used  only  with  either  -i  or  -a.  No  relation  between  the  vowel  of 
the  noun  and  of  the  suffix  is  discernible.  Nouns  taking  the 
objective  suffix  -a  use  -i  for  the  plural.  This  plural  suffix  is 
confined  to  nouns  denoting  animals  and  plants,  and  to  semi- 
pronominal  stems. 

mil-i,  deer 

su's-i,  ducks 

tc  'op-i,  flies 

p'al-p'o-i-l,  butterflies   (for  p'al-p'ol-i) 

mil-i,  white-oaks 

cip-i,  willows 

hiM.  all 

-mac-i,  plural  of  demonstratives 

cup-a,  blackbirds 

tok-a,  fleas 

koy-a,  gophers 

ku's-a,  geese 

tcup-a,  blackbirds 

-s,  plural  suffix  of  a  few  nouns  denoting  persons ;  also  of  per- 
sonal pronouns. 

•p,  singular  suffix  corresponding  to  -s. 
na-ip,  girl;  na-es,  girls 
iw-op,  man;  iw-is,  men 
mus-p,  woman;  mus  (for  mus-s),  women 
mi,  thou;  mo-s,  ye 
a'-p,  I;  u-s,  we 

-mac,  or  -mas,  is  added  to  the  stem  of  demonstratives  in  form- 
ing the  plural. 

ki,  that;  ki-mac-i,  these 

-am,  -lam,  collective.  It  is  the  regular  plural  suffix  of  certain 
words  denoting  persons  and  ending  in  a  suffix.  It  also  forms 
the  usual  plural  of  certain  inanimate  nouns,  such  as  house,  in 
which  the  collective  or  distributive  and  plural  meanings  are  apt 
to  coincide ;  and  of  compound  nouns  containing  an  adjective. 

ot-is-am,  old  women  (ot) 

iw-is-ma'-lam,  young  men  (iw-o-ma') 

ha"-lam,  houses  (ban) 

pa'k-am,  one  each  (pa"k,  one) 


354        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

atc-sil-am,  pieces  of  skin 
hanw-hot.-am,  whales  (fish-large) 
hi-hot.-am,  large  branches 
ol-hot.-am,  redwood  trees 
titam-hot.-am,  high  mountains 
atwancit  hanson-lam,  fierce  dogs 

-itc,  apparently  primarily  a  diminutive,  is  also  a  collective,  a 
distributive,  and,  through  idiom,  the  plural  of  one  noun  denot- 
ing persons. 

k'aml-itc,  wild  cat  (k'amo'l,  panther) 

ans-itc,  red  (ans,  blood) 

tat-itc,  pretty  (tat,  good) 

nu-itc,  also  nu,  gravel 

su-itc,  fish  in  general 

k  'il-itc,  fish-roe 

op-itc-am,  in  two  heaps  (op-i,  two) 

al-k  'at-tc-am,  in  each  board 

hal-itc,  children  (sak,  child) 

-a,  animate  of  numerals  and  adjectives, 
op-a,  two 
molm-a,  three 

puhitc-a,  a  short  person  (puhitc,  short) 
cik-a,  a  black  one 

-i,  inanimate  suffix  of  numerals.  It  is  used  also  when  the 
numerals  do  not  refer  to  any  specific  objects,  or  when  they  refer 
to  nouns  denoting  animate  objects  but  in  the  objective  case.  The 
stem  pan,  one,  animate  irregularly  pan-k,  inserts  w :  pan-w-i. 

op-i,  two 

molm-i,  three 

-p,  reflexive,  on  demonstratives, 
ki-p,  himself,  from  ki,  that  one,  he 

-moc,  used  before  the  plural  suffix  in  the  reflexive  demonstra- 
tive; perhaps  the  same  as  -mac  similarly  used  in  non-reflexive 
demonstratives. 

ki-moc-ey-at,  of  themselves 

-el,  may  or  may  not  be  used  on  the  word  for  I. 
anp-el  or  anp,  I 

-in,  may  or  may  not  be  used  on  the  word  for  my. 
it-in  or  it,  my 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  355 


CASE-SUFFIXES. 

-a,  objective.  Used  on  nouns,  pronouns,  and  demonstratives, 
but  only  when  animate.  It  may  be  conjectured  that  this  suffix  is 
the  same  in  origin  as  the  animate  -a  of  numerals  and  adjectives, 
but  there  is  nothing  to  prove  such  identity. 

musp-a,  woman 

hulk'o-a,  coyote 

an-kun-a,  ray  father 

lopc-a,  jackrabbit 

hil-a,  all 

ko'l-a,  Wailaki 

-c  or  -s,  objective  case,  found  only  on  mi,  thou;  the  same  as 
the  Costanoan  and  Wintun  objective  suffix  of  the  personal 
pronoun. 

-at,    possessive    of    nouns,    pronouns,    and    demonstratives, 
animate  and  inanimate.    It  is  invariably  used. 
pila"t.-at,  sun's 
hulk  'o-at  coyote 's 
ki-at,  his,  that  one's 
us-at,  our 

-ok,  instrumental, 
lac-ok,  with  an  ax 
kutci-ok,  with  a  knife 

-a,  instrumental.    No  difference  in  meaning  between  -ok  and 
-a  is  perceptible.    Some  nouns  use  one  and  some  the  other, 
mipat-a,  with  the  hand 
on-a,  with  earth 

-la,  instrumental  of  demonstratives.    Perhaps  related  to  -a  as 
-lam,  collective-plural,  is  to  -am. 
ki-la,  with  that 

-op,  locative.  Precise  meaning:  "on";  but  also  used  as  a 
vaguer  locative  "at."  Added  to  verbs,  it  subordinates  them  and 
means  "when."  "At  the  seeing"  is  "when  he  saw." 

hay-op,  in  carrying-sack 
pi-mo '1-op,  with,  on,  flute 
nihin-a'1-op,  at  the  door 
uk-op,  on  the  water 
ban-op,  on  the  house 
on-op,  on  the  ground 


356         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

-ki,  -k,  -i,  general  locative,  in,  on,  at. 
hante-ki,  on  the  house  floor 
hutc-ki,  out-doors 
u'-ki,  in  the  water 
tciu-ki,  in  the  acorn-granary 
ki-k,  in  that,  in  there 

-am,  -m,  inessive.    Used  on  certain  words,  such  as  ban,  house, 
and  on  demonstratives,  as  a  general  locative  to  the  exclusion  of 
-ki.    Most  other  words  take  -ki  but  do  not  use  -am. 
ki-m,  there,  literally,  that-in 
han-am,  in  the  house 

-t-a  is  a  locative  of  wide  or  indefinite  meaning  found  only  on 
demonstratives.    The  difference  between  it  and  -m  is  not  clear, 
ki-t-a,  there 

-pis,  ablative. 

im-pis,  from  where 

-wit,  terminalis,  to,  toward. 
ku<  tki-wit,  toward  the  north 

-k'il,  terminalis,  to,  toward, 
han-k'il,  to  the  house 
k'ol-k'il,  to  the  other  side 
no-namliki-k 'il,  to  where  he  lived 

-han,  -hanhin,  subessive,  under, 
uk-han,  under  water 
uk-hanhin,  under  water 
lil-hanhin,  under  the  rock 

-itc-ki,  juxtapositive,  next  to,  near.    Probably  the  diminutive 
-itc  with  the  locative  -ki.    A  similar  -itc-op  is  also  found, 
lil-itc-ki,  by  the  rock 
mil-tcotc-itc-op,  by  the  pounded  meat 

-mik'al,  around.    Is  used  also  as  an  independent  word, 
yim-mik  'al,  around  the  fire 
on-mik  'al,  around  the  world 

-kite,  only,  resembles  the  case-suffixes  in  being  added  chiefly  to 
nouns,  but  its  function  is  of  course  quite  different, 
eic-kitc,  only  squirrels 
kit-kite,  nothing  but  bones 

These  suffixes  show  a  complete  transition  from  purely  formal 
or  grammatical  case-endings,  such  as  the  objective,  through  loca- 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  357 

tive  suffixes  such  as  -op  or  -ki,  to  whole  stems  used  as  suffixes 
with  prepositional  meaning.  The  employment  of  all  is  however 
exactly  alike;  so  that  if  the  designation  of  "case"  is  denied  to 
-mik'al,  around,  and  -op,  on,  it  must  also  be  denied  to  objective  -a 
and  possessive  -at. 

DERIVATIVE  VERB  SUFFIXES. 

The  verb  suffixes  that  are  derivative  rather  than  grammatical, 
in  that  they  affect  the  meaning  of  the  verb  more  than  its  relation 
to  other  words  in  the  sentence,  form  the  largest,  most  difficult, 
and  in  some  ways  most  characteristic  class  of  suffixes  in  the 
language.  It  is  especially  in  this  class  that  suffixes  of  indefinite 
meaning  are  numerous.  Some  of  this  vagueness  of  significance 
will  undoubtedly  become  dissipated  by  more  thorough  knowledge 
of  the  language.  Nevertheless  it  is  quite  clear  that  certain 
suffixes,  whose  precise  meaning  has  been  ascertained,  at  times 
have  this  their  proper  force  only  in  a  vague  degree.  It  is  in 
accord  with  this  feature  of  these  suffixes  that  there  are  almost 
none  with  concrete  meanings  such  as  describe  direction  or  kind 
of  motion  and  situation,  or  the  class  of  object  or  instrument  of 
action.  None  of  these  suffixes  indicate  that  the  action  is  per- 
formed with  the  hand,  foot,  head,  or  any  other  part  of  the  body ; 
none  of  them  refer  to  the  shape  or  position  of  objects ;  and  when 
they  refer  to  motion  they  do  not  specifically  describe  it  with  such 
meanings  as  up,  down,  towards  the  center,  towards  the  outside, 
in  a  rolling  manner,  and  so  on,  but  indicate  that  a  motion  is  made 
to  do  something,  that  the  action  of  the  verb  is  accompanied  by 
motion,  that  there  is  motion  toward,  that  there  is  a  going  to  per- 
form an  action,  that  the  action  is  repeated,  or  that  it  is  involun- 
tary. In  other  words,  such  Yuki  suffixes  are  abstract  or  con- 
ceptional,  not  visual  or  dynamic.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  this 
condition  is  connected  with  the  restriction  of  these  and  other 
affixed  elements  exclusively  to  a  suffixed  position,  for  it  appears 
that  specific  and  concrete  affixes  of  motion,  position,  and  instru- 
ment occur  chiefly  in  those  American  languages  that  employ 
prefixes  as  well  as  suffixes,  and  that  at  least  part  of  them  usually 
are  prefixes.  Yuki  contrasts  with  Porno  in  this  respect  as 


358         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

Eskimo,    Shoshonean,    and    Yokuts    contrast    with    Algonkin, 
Athabascan,  Siouan,  Chinook,  and  Washo. 

Many  of  the  derivative  Yuki  suffixes  seem  to  be  used  with 
certain  stems  as  a  matter  of  habit  or  idiom  rather  than  to  serve 
any  definite  purpose  or  to  express  any  specific  meaning. 

-kut  forms  an  occasional  inchoative.  This  suffix  is  also  an 
independent  stem  meaning  the  beginning  or  end;  kut-kin  is 
''root."  Possibly  -kut  is  to  be  regarded  as  an  independent 
auxiliary  receiving  the  tense  suffixes  and  postposed  to  the  stem 
of  the  principal  verb,  rather  than  as  an  actual  suffix.  A  more 
common  inchoative  is  the  suffix  -lam. 
o '-t-kut-mik,  will  begin  to  suck 

-im,  to  try  to,  is  an  independent  verb-stem  that  similarly 
appears  occasionally  as  a  suffix. 

hilyu-si-im-wi,  tried  to  make  sick 

-lau*  has  the  force  of  English  can,  and  is  either  an  inde- 
pendent verb  or  a  suffix. 

anp  mis  na"w-i-lau<  -k,  I  can  see  you 
anp  lau<  -k,  I  can 

-cilo  is  a  frequent  suffix  with  the  meaning  "appearing  to." 
Often  it  can  be  translated  by  "as  it  were, "  or  "it  seems. ' ' 

This  suffix  often  has  sufficient  stress-accent  to  furnish  some 
justification  for  considering  it  an  independent  word;  but  no 
other  words  intervene  between  it  and  the  verb-stem  to  which  it 
refers.  There  is  usually  nothing  but  accent  and  phonetic  feeling 
to  determine  whether  such  forms  as  yiiki-ciloo-wi  are  one  word 
or  two;  the  two  words  if  separate  would  stand  in  the  same 
position  and  have  the  same  form,  the  first  being  in  that  case 
participially  subordinate  to  the  second :  ' '  playing  he  appeared. ' ' 
The  same  can  be  said  of  the  other  elements  already  mentioned; 
they  may  be  regarded  either  as  suffixes,  as  final  members  of  com- 
pound binary  verbs,  or  as  finite  auxiliary  verbs  governing  a 
participial  or  stem  form  of  another  verb.  At  the  same  time  the 
inserted  i  of  yiik-i-ciloo-wi  and  nanw-i-lau' -k  seems  to  show  that 
the  forms  in  question  are  really  suffixes ;  the  verb  stems  being  yik 
and  nanw. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  359 

-law  has  the  meaning  of  making  a  motion  to  perform  the 
action  indicated  by  the  verb  stem. 

muk-law-e-tl-wi,  moved  to  seize  with  the  mouth,  tried  to  bite 
a'  -law-e-tl-u,  made  a  motion  to  seize 

-n,  appearing  also  as  -in,  -en,  is  a  frequent  suffix  whose  force 
in  most  cases  is  not  clear.  Where  it  has  a  definite  meaning  this 
is  generally  similar  to  that  of  -law,  the  preceding. 

nanw-in-ek,  goes  to  see 

wiit-in,  go  to  work 

-lit  is  of  unknown  meaning. 

t.aun-lit-in-ma-mil,  came  to  make  war  on  them 
yuu-lit-e-y-am,  doing  foolishly 
yi-lit-eya-mil,  played  together 
ham-lit-mil,  wanted 
nanw-e-lit-ei-mi,  saw  them 
lak-si-lit-in-iak-mil,  drove  him  out 

-ma  denotes  motion  toward.  This  suffix  has  a  tendency  to 
follow  other  suffixes  of  the  derivative  class.  An  -m,  which  trans- 
forms the  stem  ko,  go,  into  ko-m,  to  come,  is  probably  only  a 
form  of  the  same  suffix. 

kup-ma,  come  pointing 
wo  '-ma,  coming  toward 
la"l-ma,  creep  to 
un-ma-wi,  brought 

-k  is  somewhat  indefinite  in  force.  It  appears  to  be  used  with 
intransitive  verbs  to  indicate  an  action,  as  contrasted  with  a  state, 
of  the  conception  implied  by  the  verb  stem.  This  suffix  must 
not  be  confounded  with  the  tense-suffix  -k  or  -ik,  which  it  always 
precedes. 

cu'-a,  remain! 

cu'-k-a,  sit  down! 

a"p  cu'-ik,  I  sit 

a"p  cu'-k-ik,  I  seat  myself 

-is,  continuative,  iterative. 

-ak,  -yak,  single  action,  contrasting  with  -is. 

-am,  -yam,  continuative,  habitual  usitative. 

-kil,  single  action,  or  repeated  action  at  a  single  period,  con- 
trasting with  -am. 

These  four  suffixes  are  very  common.  In  some  cases  they  have 
the  specific  force  given  for  each,  but  often  their  meaning  is 


360        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

indefinite  or  connotive  and  their  use  largely  a  matter  of  estab- 
lished habit.  Li,  to  kill,  rarely  occurs  without  -ak.  Most 
languages  would  not  go  out  of  their  way  to  express  the  fact  that 
the  idea  of  killing  ordinarily  implies  a  single  act,  one  unrepeat- 
able on  the  same  object.  As  between  -is  and  -am,  the  former 
apparently  has  more  often  a  definite  force.  As  between  -ak  and 
-kil,  the  former  would  seem  to  denote  usually  an  unrepeated  or 
instantaneous  action,  the  latter  a  repeated  or  longer  action  but 
one  limited  to  a  single  period  as  opposed  to  a  habitual  act. 

suup-ak-mil,  threw  once 

suup-is-u,  threw  repeatedly 

hanwai-s-am-ek,  eat  customarily,  use  as  food 

koo-y-am-mil,  walked  (about  for  some  time) 

kaank-am-ik,  it  (continues  to)  come  (to  me;  for  instance,  money) 

hanwai-kil-mil,  ate  it 

-t-il,  to  cause  to,  to  have  for,  to  make  to  be,  to  want  to  do,  to 
direct  to  do. 

p'oi-t-il,  put  in  (p'oi,  in) 
pantc-t-il,  write  (pa"tc,  mark) 
cu<  -t-il-mil,  made  him  stay 
hanwaii-tal-mil,  fed  him 

-sil  appears  to  emphasize  the  idea  of  motion  without  describ- 
ing it,  leaving  this  to  the  verb  stem, 
ti-sil-wi,  jumped 

cu'-sil-mil,  sat  down  (cu%  be  at,  sit) 
lak-sil-yak-mil,  emerged 
kap-sil-ik,  enters 

-lit,  reflexive  or  reciprocal  action. 
iman-lil-mil,  said  to  one  another 
mis  kipat  huc-lil-ha,  do  you  like  yourself? 

-mil,  meaning  unknown.    Not  to  be  confounded  with  the  final 
tense  or  syntactical  suffix  -mil. 

pi-mil-mil,  played  flute  (pi-mo '1,  flute) 
a"p  ko-mil-ik,  I  am  going 
ki-mil-mil,  said 

-il,  meaning  unknown. 

an-il-ma-mil,  brought  him  there 
ma°t-il,  shoot 
wit-il-mil,  turned 
lak-il-i,  emerged 

It  is  possible  that  there  is  some  connection  between  -kil,  -t-il, 
-sil,  -lil,  -mil,  and  -il. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  361 

-m  appears  to  indicate  involuntary,  inanimate  actions  and 
automatic  motions  or  sounds. 
ant-ain-ra-ik,  shoes  creak 
k'o-m-ek,  flutters 
yu-m-i,  is  swinging,  dangling 
ii  yite-m-ik,  I  tremble 
kan-m-i,  it  swells 

tima  al  ha"k-m-i,  the  wood  splits  of  itself 
woyam  lak-m-i-wi,  smoke  came  out 

-lam  is  the  usual  inchoative  or  inceptive,  -kut  is  also  in- 
choative. 

te'u'-lam-ek,  begins  to  sprout  (tcV-t-ek,  is  sprouting) 

in-lam-ha  mis,  are  you  sleepy! 

mit  ii  huuc-lam-ek,  I  am  falling  in  love  with  you 

-si,  -s,  is  the  ordinary  causative,  -t-il  and  -t-1  are  also  causative. 
a"p  tat-e-si-wi,  I  made  it 
hilyu-si-pa,  will  make  sick 

-tan  or  -tanl,  negative.  This  is  nothing  but  the  ordinary  in- 
dependent negative  tanl  used  as  a  suffix.  This  negative  can  be 
used  as  verb  with  tense-suffixes :  tanl-k,  it  is  not  so. 

hantc 'am-ta"l,  is  not  strong 

ii  hana-ta°l-k,  I  do  not  believe  it 

t'um-tanl-k,  it  is  not  raining 

wil-tanl-a-mil,  did  not  fear 

in-ta"l-a-han,  though  not  sleeping 

kotam-tan-mil,  did  not  go 

-t-l,  transitive,  intentional,  causative  action. 

-t,  intransitive,  unintentional,  not  causative  action. 

These  two  suffixes  are  very  common.  Sometimes  they  are 
specifically  contrasted,  in  which  case  the  intransitive  verb  with  -t 
is  used  as  it  were  impersonally,  with  its  logical  subject  in  the 
objective  case,  whereas  the  subject  of  the  corresponding  volun- 
tary or  causative  form  is  in  the  subjective.  Almost  any  intransi- 
tive verb-stem  unaccompanied  by  a  derivative  suffix  seems  to  be 
able  to  take  on  -t  without  specially  adding  to  its  meaning.  In 
ko-t,  go,  the  -t  is  either  purely  habitual  or  the  result  of  a  desire 
to  parallel  the  derivative  ko-m,  come. 

nam-i-t-mil,  dropped,  fell  down  in  death 

nam-tl-mil,  laid  it  down 

muk-law-e-t-mil,  (involuntarily  the  hungry  Coyote,  unable  to  re- 
strain himself)  snapped  at  it 


362        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

muk-law-e-tl-wi,  tried  to  seize  it  with  his  mouth 

ii  o'-t-ik,  I  vomit  (me  comes  out  of  mouth) 

anp  o'-tl-ik,  I  spit  out  (I  make  come  out  of  mouth) 

tcatcol-t-ik,  is  budding 

ko-t-wi,  went 

kap-t-mil,  went  in 

an-e-t-mil,  rolled 

huuu-t-mil,  stopped 

huuu-tl-i,  stop  doing  something 

a'-tl-i,  seize  it! 

lak-tl-mil,  throw  out  (lak,  emerge) 

ko-tl-mil,  put  in  (ko,  be  in) 

SYNTACTICAL  VERB  SUFFIXES. 

This  class  of  suffixes  express  tense,  mode,  and  participial  and 
subordinating  relations.  As  distinguished  from  the  group  of 
derivative  affixes  just  discussed,  they  may  be  designated  as  modo- 
temporal.  In  their  position  in  the  verb,  they  always  follow  the 
derivative  suffixes. 

-wi,  -u,  ordinary  past  time. 
-witc,  completed  past. 
-pa,  future. 

-mik,  less  common  than  the  last,  perhaps  expresses  an  im- 
mediate futurity  or  a  future  intent. 

-ik,  -ek,  -k,  is  generally  translatable  by  the  present  tense  of 
English.  It  may  imply  continuance.  It  makes  verbs  of  adjec- 
tival stems. 

-mil,  lacks  specific  reference  to  time,  indicating  primarily  that 
the  verb  to  which  it  is  attached  is  modally  finite.  Many  Yuki 
sentences,  especially  in  narrative,  contain  several  verbs.  These 
may  be  expressedly  relative  or  participial,  or  may  lack  any 
grammatical  suffix  and  thereby  be  subordinate  to  the  finite  verb 
which  is  the  last  in  the  sentence.  In  discourse  or  quotations  this 
final  finite  verb  bears  one  of  the  tense  or  mode  suffixes;  in  con- 
tinuous narration  or  description,  whether  past  or  present, 
aoristic  -mil  takes  the  place  of  such  a  tense-suffix  in  the  finite 
verb. 

ko-m-wi,  came 
li-ak-u,  killed 


1911]  Kroeber :  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  363 

mi'-witc  koi,  has  been  there  before 
anpel  ko-witc,  I  was  walking 

hilyu-t-pa,  will  be  sick 
a"p  ko-t-pa,  I  shall  go 

amis  o<  -t-mik,  I  will  suck  you 
amis  li-mik,  I  will  kill  you 
sak-mik,  she  will  have  a  child 

tc  'uu<  -t-ik,  is  sprouting 
la'-t-ik,  it  breaks 
tcatcol-t-ik,  is  budding 
a"p  koo-t-ik,  I  go 
ii  ham-ek,  I  wish 
hanot-k,  is  heavy 

naun-mil,  saw 
koo-t-mil,  came 

-ha,  interrogative. 

im-wit  mi  ko-t-ha,  where  do  you  go? 
mis  yaun-ha,  do  you  think? 
tat  mi  yik-i-ha,  did  you  play  well? 
mai"  mi' -ha,  who  is? 

-es-tc  and  -am-s,  quotatives.  Usually  followed  by  -ik.  These 
suffixes  specifically  express  quotation.  To  indicate  that  myths 
and  narratives  rest  on  tradition  and  not  on  personal  experience, 
a  particle  ii  is  used  instead  of  these  suffixes. 

wok-es-tc-ik,  dances,  they  say 
intcam-es-tc-ek,  they  say,  it  is  said 
luwate  pok-et-am-s-ik,  the  gun  exploded,  we  hear 
ko-am-s-ik,  is  coming,  they  say 

-a,  the  usual  imperative  suffix.  It  is  used  on  certain  stems,  and 
after  -k,  -ak,  -t,  -is,  and  other  suffixes.  Other  stems,  and  the 
suffixes  -am,  -tl,  -kil,  -t-il,  -lil,  -sil,  -il,  and  others,  express  the 
imperative  without  any  suffix.  A  final  -i  after  -tl  and  other  end- 
ings seems  to  be  only  a  phonetic  increment,  being  found  also  in 
the  unsuffixed  participial  or  modeless  form  of  many  verbs. 

t-an-hil-s-a,  make  him  draw  it  out! 

uk-s-a,  wet  him! 

un-t-a,  carry! 

koo-t-a,  go! 

cu'-k-a,  sit  down! 

tii-k-a,  jump! 

o'-u-k-a,  run! 


364        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

cu'-a,  stay! 

mi' -a,  be! 

k'i'-a,  be  quiet! 

hanwai-s-am,  use  as  food! 

hutop-in,  go  hunt! 

in-i,  sleep! 

wit-il,  turn! 

ya°c-kil,  stand! 

haa-t<il,  hold! 

a'-tl-i,  take! 

wok-tl-i,  wok-tl,  sing 

Subordinate  relation  is  of  two  kinds,  that  which  is  translatable 
by  English  conjunctions  and  that  which  is  translatable  by 
English  relatives.  Suffixes  indicating  the  first  kind  of  subordina- 
tion are : 

-op,  the  locative  case-suffix  of  nouns,  when  added  to  a  verb 
gives  the  meaning  ' '  when. ' ' 

-kit-,  "while"  or  "when";  probably  derived  from  the  demon- 
strative ki;  possibly  the  demonstrative  locative  ki-t-a,  at  that, 
there. 

-ika,  if,  when,  also  seems  demonstrative  in  form. 

-han,  although,  even  though.  This  may  be  the  noun-suffix 
-han,  under. 

inani  hil  tanl-op,  day  all  not-at,  when  there  was  no  daylight 

k'in-ik-op,  when  crying 

hau-lam-op,  shine  begin  when,  at  daylight 

al  wan-ek-op,  when  they  gathered  wood 

wok-si-kit.,  while  dancing 

hap-si-li-kit-,  when  enters 

ko-m-ika  a-mis  tcan-i-pa,  if  (when)  you  come,  I  will  give  it  to  you 

hanwaii-s-am-ika  mia  caia-lau'-k,  if  we  eat,  we  can  live 

hot.-kil-han  ha"te  'am-ta"l,  although  large,  he  is  weak 

The  relative  suffixes  are  of  some  length,  and  although  fre- 
quent have  not  become  entirely  clear.  They  contain  two  chief 
elements:  first,  -nam,  followed  by  -1  or  -li ;  second,  -ki.  Often 
these  two  elements  are  combined.  The  -ki  is  nothing  but  the 
ordinary  demonstrative  pronoun,  ki,  that.  The  -nam-1  element  is 
not  so  clear.  Nam  is  the  root  for  the  idea  of  lying ;  but  no  con- 
nection of  meaning  is  traceable  between  this  root  and  the  relative 
suffix  -nam.  The  chief  relative  suffixes  found  are : 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  365 

-nam-li-ki,  who  or  which.  The  verb  with  this  relative  ending 
takes  the  objective,  possessive,  and  plural  suffixes  exactly  like  the 
demonstrative  ki. 

-nam-li-ki-t-a,  -nam-li-kii-k,  etc.,  "where,"  literally  "at 
which." 

-mi-ki,  "when." 
-nam-li,  -nam-il. 
-nam-l-on. 

Examples : 

k'am-o'l      imei-namli-kii      k'an-hoot-      namli-ki-t-ei      k'an-hoop      ii 
Panther        spoken-had-who          voice-big,  then  voice-light 

imei-mil 
spoke. 

yuu-yam-namli-kii         rail         k'ap-ii-yak-mil 
As  they  had  done  deer  he  killed. 

t'uu-namli-kii-k         tu-ak-mil 

Put-where-was  he  put  it. 

k 'am-o'l-iw-ot         nam-namli-ki-a         li-ak-i 
Panther-man-old  lay-who,  he  killing    .... 

noo'  -namli-kii-k  'il         an-i-tl-t-i-mil 
Lived-where-to  he  brought  it. 

SUFFIXES  AND  STRUCTURE. 

The  suffixes  here  enumerated  total  about  seventy-five,  and 
there  are  no  doubt  others.  Omitting  such  as  are  purely  etymo- 
logical, like  the  noun-suffixes  -is,  -il,  and  -nom;  those  found  only 
on  one  word,  like  -el,  -in,  and  -c  of  the  personal  pronoun ;  those 
like  -mik'al,  cilo,  and  lau'  which  occur  also  as  independent 
words  and  might  justifiably  be  regarded  as  being  only  unaltered 
enclitic  postpositions  or  auxiliary  verbs;  and  those  which  like 
reflexive  -moc  and  non-reflexive  -mac  of  demonstratives,  and 
noun-derivative  -am  and  collective  -am,  are  probably  identical; 
there  are  however  only  some  fifty  or  sixty.  Even  some  of  these, 
which  are  clearly  suffixes,  like  the  negative  -tanl  and  the  relative 
-ki,  are  used  also  as  independent  words. 

Owing  to  the  reduction  of  all  grammatical  processes  to  one, 
that  of  suffixation,  it  stands  to  reason  that  the  structure  of  the 


366         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

language,  other  than  for  a  few  matters  of  idiom,  position  of 
words,  and  purely  relational  syntax,  is  all  contained  in  the  fore- 
going list  of  suffixes. 

It  remains  only  to  review  the  nature  and  forms  of  the  various 
parts  of  speech  by  recapitulating  the  functions  of  the  various 
suffixes  used  with  each. 

NOUN. 

The  Yuki  noun  may  be  a  simple  stem,  a  compound  noun  con- 
sisting of  two  or  more  stems,  a  derivative  from  a  verbal  stem  by 
means  of  a  suffix,  or  a  simple  verb  stem  like  English  "trade." 
Except  in  terms  of  relationship  it  is  never  united  into  one  word 
with  a  pronoun  or  a  pronominal  element.  It  is  not  reduplicated 
nor  modified  for  any  expression  of  gender.  It  is  modified  only 
for  the  indication  of  ideas  related  to  number  and  case.  There 
is  a  plural  suffix  -i  or  -a  for  names  of  animals  and  plants. 
Several  other  suffixes  have  a  limited  use,  on  words  denoting 
persons  and  inanimate  nouns,  to  express  singular,  plural,  col- 
lectivity, distribution,  and  a  diminutive.  There  are  two  gram- 
matical cases,  an  objective  restricted  to  animate  nouns  and  a 
possessive.  There  are  a  considerable  number  of  instrumental  and 
local  suffixes,  varying  in  character  from  case  endings  to  post- 
posed  prepositions  that  can  also  be  used  as  independent  words. 

PRONOUN. 

The  Yuki  pronoun  is  grammatically  a  noun.  Except  on  terms 
of  relationship  it  is  never  used  as  an  affix.  Its  suffixes  of  number 
and  case  are  for  the  most  part  those  of  the  noun. 

The  personal  pronouns  are  restricted  to  first  and  second 
persons.  The  third  person,  if  necessary,  is  expressed  by  a  demon- 
strative. There  is  no  dual,  but  inclusive  and  exclusive  forms 
are  distinguished  in  the  first  person  plural.  As  is  common  in 
American  languages,  the  inclusive  is  formed  from  the  stem  of 
the  second  person.  This  stem  is  m.  The  stem  of  the  first  person 
seems  to  be  vocalic. 


Subjective 

Objective 

S  1. 

a"-p,  anp-el 

I 

S  2. 

mi 

mi-s 

P  1.  excl. 

us 

us-a 

P  1.  inch 

mi 

mi-a 

P  2. 

mos 

mos-i-a 

1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  367 

Possessive 
it,  it-in 
ml-t 

us-at 
mi-at 
moB-i-at,  mo-t 

The  s  in  u-s  and  mo-s  is  evidently  the  same  as  the  plural  -s  in 
iw-is,  men,  and  other  nouns  denoting  persons.  Compare  the 
-mas  helping  to  form  the  plural  of  demonstratives.  Similarly  the 
-p  in  an-p  appears  to  be  a  designation  of  the  singular,  as  in  mus-p, 
woman. 

Demonstratives  are  only  two,  ka,  this,  and  ki,  that.  Ka 
specifically  indicates  nearness.  Ki  when  specific  expresses  dis- 
tance. It  is,  however,  more  frequently  used  as  a  general  in- 
definite demonstrative,  as  a  pronoun  of  the  third  person,  and  as 
an  article.  It  also  forms  the  base  for  the  reflexive,  which  is 
derived  by  the  suffix  -p.  Finally,  ki  is  used  as  a  relative  suffix 
of  verbs. 

The  demonstratives  are  used  both  as  substantives  and  as 
attributive  adjectives.  They  are  not  altered  to  express  any  dis- 
tinction of  gender  or  animation.  Their  case  and  number  suffixes 
are  on  the  whole  those  of  the  noun,  with  certain  differences.  In 
the  plural  mas  or  mac  is  added  to  the  stem  before  the  regular 
suffix  of  number  -i  or  the  case  suffixes.  The  instrumental  suffix 
is  -la,  instead  of  -a  or  -ok.  Certain  of  the  locative  suffixes  of  the 
noun  do  not  appear  on  the  demonstratives,  which  possess  others, 
such  as  -t-a,  not  found  on  the  noun. 


Subj. 

Obj. 

Poss. 

Loc. 

this 

ka 

ka-a 

ka-at 

ka-k,  ka-t-a 

that,  the,  he 

ki 

ki-a 

ki-at 

ki-k,  ki-t-a, 

ki-m 

he  himself 

ki-p 

ki-p-at 

these 

ka-mas-i 

those,  they 

ki-mas-i 

ki-mas-a 

ki-mas-at 

they  themselves 

ki-mos-i-at 

Interrogatives  and  indefinites  are : 
mai°,  who?  someone 
hai",  what? 

iyi,  iyon,  what?  something 
hain-mas,  how? 
im,  where? 


368        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

The  personal  pronouns  are  more  closely  joined  to  terms  of 
relationship,  to  which  they  form  proclitics  or  prefixes,  than  to 
other  words.  The  objective  forms  are  used  to  indicate  possession. 
Mis-k'un,  thy  father,  is  literally  thee-father.  His  before  terms 
of  relationship  is  kim-.  A  few  terms  of  relationship,  mostly 
beginning  with  k,  show  an-,  modified  to  an,  instead  of  ii  for  my. 

ADJECTIVE. 

The  adjective  is  really  a  verb.  This  is  clear  from  its  position 
in  compound  nouns,  where  its  place  is  that  of  the  verb  after  the 
modified  noun,  whereas  a  qualifying  substantive  precedes  the 
modified  one.  When  used  as  a  verb  the  adjective  usually 
assumes  the  indefinite  or  present  suffix  -ik.  When  attributive  to 
a  noun  the  adjective  is  used  without  suffix.  Ordinarily  the 
attributive  adjective  is  not  modified  for  case  or  number,  although 
occasionally  the  adjective  instead  of  the  noun  receives  a  case 
suffix  properly  belonging  to  the  latter.  A  number  of  adjectives 
end  in  the  noun-forming  suffix  -am.  An  adjective  attributive  to 
an  animate  noun  receives  the  suffix  -a.  When  provided  with  this 
suffix,  the  adjective,  like  the  numeral,  can  also  be  used  as  a  noun 
denoting  an  animate  being. 

puhitc,  short 

al  puhitc,  short  stick 

puhite-k,  is  short 

iwis  puhitc-a,  short  men 

puhitc-a,  a  short  person 

NUMERALS. 

The  numeral  system  is  thoroughly  quaternary,  or  more  strictly 
octonary.  It  has  already  been  published.53  The  numeral  systems 
of  the  other  dialects  of  the  family  show  no  trace  of  this  system 
of  counting  by  fours  and  multiples  of  fours,  but  are  quinary, 
decimal,  and  vigesimal.  There  are  numeral  roots  only  for  one, 
two,  and  three.  All  the  higher  numerals  are  composite  words 
descriptive  of  the  method  of  counting.  Above  three  the  numerals 
do  not  seem  to  be  used  with  suffixes.  Below  three  they  ordinarily 


53  E.  B.  Dixon  and  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Numeral  Systems  of  the  Languages 
of  California,  American  Anthropologist,  n.s.,  IX,  663-690,  1907. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  369 

end  in  -i,  for  which  -a  can  be  substituted  when  the  numeral  is 
used  as  a  noun  and  refers  to  animate  beings.  The  animate  for 
one  is  pan-k  instead  of  pan-wa. 

CONNECTIVES. 

There  are  few  conjunctions  in  the  English  sense  of  the  word 
except  nan,  which  is  used  to  connect  words  and  long  sentences. 
Subordinating  conjunctions  are  replaced  by  relative  and  modal 
suffixes  of  the  verb,  which  permit  a  complicated  sentence  struc- 
ture. On  the  other  hand,  connective  words  which  cannot  be 
exactly  parallelled  in  English  are  important. 

The  most  frequent  of  these  connectives  are  san  and  si,  which 
can  be  used  independently  or  as  a  base  for  other  connectives. 
They  form  a  contrasting  pair.  San  indicates  that  the  subject  of 
the  sentence  which  it  opens  is  the  same  as  the  subject  of  the 
preceding  sentence.  Si  indicates  a  corresponding  change  of 
subject.  These  two  particles  enable  the  speaker  to  narrate  at 
great  length  complicated  and  varying  reciprocal  actions  of  two 
persons  without  any  designation  of  them,  by  either  noun  or  pro- 
noun, after  their  first  mention. 

In  narrative  in  which  the  "dubitative"  ii  is  used  it  is  added 
to  san  and  si. 

A  number  of  other  elements  suffixed  or  added  to  sa"  and  si 
express  various  shades  of  meaning  of  time  and  sequence.  In 
narrative  or  description  not  based  on  personal  experience  these 
forms  are  further  enlarged  by  the  dubitative  ii. 

-k,  forming  si-k,  san-k,  si-k-ii,  san-k-ii,  is  about  equivalent  to 
"and,"  implying  that  the  action  of  the  verb  in  the  sentence 
which  it  introduces  is  contemporaneous  with  the  action  of  the 
verb  in  the  preceding  sentence. 

-m,  forming  si-m-ii,  etc.,  may  be  translated  "and  finally."  It 
indicates  that  the  action  expressed  in  the  preceding  verb,  after 
having  continued  for  some  time,  is  completed,  with  the  implica- 
tion that  something  more  or  less  expected  is  now  to  take  place. 

-kit-,  forming  si-kit-,  san-kit-ii,  etc.,  is  equivalent  to  "and 
then."  It  usually  indicates  the  completion  of  the  action  described 
in  the  previous  sentence.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  this  element  is 
related  to  the  demonstrative  ki. 


370        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

-kan,  forming  si-kan,  etc.,  can  often  be  translated  as  ' 'there- 
upon," denoting  that  the  action  expressed  in  the  preceding  sen- 
tence still  continues  in  the  next. 

A  stem  so-  is  also  used  as  a  base  for  forming  several  con- 
nectives. The  words  derived  from  it  seem  to  indicate  the  relation 
of  the  ideas  in  two  adjacent  sentences,  rather  than  the  identity 
or  difference  of  their  subjects  as  expressed  by  sa"  and  si.  So-p 
is  translatable  as  "and,"  also  "on  account  of  that."  So-n  is 
' '  but. ' '  So-m  is  also  found. 

There  are  a  number  of  other  connectives,  such  as  kop-han, 
san-kop,  si-mo-n,  si-mo-p,  si-k-on,  whose  meaning  is  not  yet  clear. 

VERB. 

The  Yuki  verb  is  by  far  the  most  complex  part  of  speech  in 
the  language,  but  its  study  offers  less  difficulty  than  might  be 
anticipated,  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  phonetic  changes  in 
derivation  and  suffixation,  and  also  because  the  root  invariably 
forms  the  first  part  of  the  word.  One  other  feature  makes  the 
verb  much  simpler  than  in  many  American  languages :  the  total 
lack  of  any  form  of  incorporation  or  pronominal  affixation.  The 
verb  is  built  up  from  the  stem  by  suffixes,  those  nearest  the  stem 
being  derivative,  those  at  the  end  of  the  word  modal  or  temporal. 
The  average  verb  may  be  said  to  consist  of  a  monosyllabic  stem 
followed  by  one  or  two  derivational  suffixes  and  one  or  more 
suffixes  of  tense,  mode,  or  subordination,  with  the  insertion  of 
phonetic  vowels,  usually  i,  between  adjacent  consonants. 

The  derivative  suffixes  do  most  to  characterize  the  verb.  Some 
of  them  are  ordinary  causatives,  inchoatives,  or  intransitives,  such 
as  are  customary  in  American  Indian  languages.  Others,  how- 
ever, are  either  much  more  indefinite,  or  convey  such  subtle 
shades  of  meaning,  that  their  precise  force  does  not  become 
apparent  even  from  a  considerable  number  of  examples.  That 
this  vagueness  exists  in  most  of  the  derivatives  whose  function 
is  not  yet  clear,  is  probable  from  the  presence  of  this  quality  in 
several  very  common  suffixes.  Thus  -t-1  at  times  is  a  full  causa- 
tive, at  times  expresses  voluntary  or  deliberate  action,  and  again 
at  other  times  merely  makes  the  verb  transitive.  The  -is  and  -ik 
pair  and  -kil  and  -am  pair  of  suffixes  show  a  similar  variability 


1911]  Kroebcr:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  371 

of  definiteness  of  force.  In  some  cases  they  specifically  indicate 
repetition,  duration,  or  singleness  of  action,  but  in  a  greater 
number  of  cases  these  ideas  are  only  indirectly  or  indefinitely 
implied.  It  is  noticeable  that  suffixes  of  this  nature  usually 
occur  in  contrasting  pairs.  The  number  of  derivative  suffixes  so 
far  determined  is  not  very  large.  There  are  almost  certainly 
others,  but  it  does  not  seem  that  the  total  number  in  the  language 
can  be  very  extensive. 

Final  suffixes  of  verbs  may  all  be  called  modal  or  temporal, 
but  form  several  groups.  A  number  specifically  indicate  tense, 
such  as  the  preterite  -wi  and  the  future  -pa.  The  use  of  any  of 
these  suffixes,  however,  implies  that  the  verb  is  finite.  Another 
group  of  suffixes  specifically  indicate  mode,  such  as  the  impera- 
tive, the  interrogative,  and  the  attributive  participle.  The  suffix 
-mil  constitutes  a  third  group.  It  replaces  the  finite  tense  end- 
ings but  is  itself  indefinite  as  to  time,  indicating  merely  that  the 
verb  to  which  it  is  added  is  the  principal  or  finite  verb  of  the 
sentence.  Another  class  is  formed  by  subordinating  modal 
suffixes,  whose  force  is  generally  equivalent  to  that  of  some 
English  conjunction.  Some  of  these  are  only  case  suffixes  of 
nouns,  such  as  -op,  when,  literally  at  or  on.  Finally  there  is  a 
consequential  group  of  relative  suffixes.  Several  elements  enter 
into  these,  the  most  conspicuous  being  the  demonstrative  ki, 
which  is  always  final.  These  relative  suffixes  furnish  an  im- 
portant means  toward  a  complex  subordinating  sentence  struc- 
ture. At  the  same  time  the  stem,  with  or  without  derivative 
suffix,  but  free  from  any  suffix  of  the  modal  temporal  class,  is 
also  used  as  a  subordinate  verb. 

Reduplication  is  nearly  lacking  in  the  verb.  There  is  also  no 
indication  of  number  either  for  subject  or  object.  Only  one  case 
of  stem  differentiation  for  number,  of  the  kind  occurring  in 
Porno,  Washo,  Athabascan,  Shoshonean,  and  other  languages,  has 
been  found:  nam-tl,  to  lay  one  object,  pin-tl,  to  lay  several 
objects.  The  two  stems  may  however  really  mean  to  lay  and  to 
scatter. 

An  idiom  of  the  language  provides  the  use  of  the  subject  in 
the  objective  case  for  a  large  class  of  verbs.  When  such  verbs 
are  transitive  the  object  is  put  in  the  possessive  case.  "I  hear 


372         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

you"  is  therefore  translated  "Me  hear  your."  Every  verb  of 
mental  action  belongs  to  this  class  of  quasi-impersonal  verbs. 
The  idea  of  mental  action  is  however  extended  so  as  to  include 
states  of  the  body  and  conditions  of  the  person  expressed  by 
adjective  stems,  as  well  as  certain  actions  of  the  body  that  are 
involuntary  or  conceived  of  as  such.  This  class  of  verbs  there- 
fore includes  those  denoting  to  like,  fear,  hate,  sorrow,  rejoice, 
think,  know,  be  hungry,  sleepy,  sick,  alive,  dead,  born,  provided 
with,  without,  hiccup,  vomit,  be  good,  large,  small,  or  angry. 

ii  miit  nanak  '-u,  I  knew  you 

hulk'o-a  hanl-t-mil,  Coyote  heard 

anc-t-mil  k'amlitc-a,  became  warm  the  wild-cat 

SENTENCE. 

The  Yuki  sentence  is  frequently  complex,  several  participial 
or  relative  clauses  preceding  the  finite  verb.  The  relation  of 
sentences  is  indicated  with  considerable  nicety  of  expression  by 
the  introductory  or  connective  particles.  The  order  of  words  is 
pretty  definitely  fixed,  but  is  only  idiomatic,  all  syntactical  rela- 
tions, except  the  distinction  between  inanimate  subject  and 
object,  being  clearly  expressed  by  the  grammatical  suffixes.  The 
subject  precedes  the  verb.  The  object  may  follow  or  precede 
the  verb.  The  adjective,  whether  attributive  or  predicative, 
follows  the  noun.  The  same  relation  of  order  exists  when 
adjective  or  verb  are  combined  into  one  word  with  the  noun. 
Connective  particles  head  the  sentence.  Subordinate  clauses 
usually  precede  the  principal  clause. 

VOCABULARY. 

With  few  exceptions  the  words  of  Yuki  are  either  mono-  - 
syllabic  or  resolvable  into  monosyllabic  stems  and  suffixes. 
Many  disyllabic  nouns  whose  full  etymology  is  uncertain  contain 
a  derivative  suffix  or  a  monosyllabic  element  of  known  meaning, 
proving  the  unknown  stem  to  be  also  monosyllabic.  So  many 
polysyllabic  words  can  be  resolved  in  the  same  manner  that  it  is 
difficult  to  refrain  from  the  conclusion  that  all  the  elements  of 
the  language  are  monosyllabic.  For  example,  mil-on-tit-am,  elk, 
is  composed  of  mil,  deer;  on,  earth,  tit,  high,  forming  the  com- 


1911] 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


373 


pound  noun  ontit,  mountain ;  which  in  turn  is  made  an  adjective, 
mountainous,  by  the  derivative  suffix  -am. 

A  vocabulary  comprising  the  most  common  nouns  of  the 
language  has  been  given  by  Dr.  S.  A.  Barrett,  in  his  cited  paper 
in  the  sixth  volume  of  the  present  series.  A  list  of  the  principal 
verb  stems  determined  is  appended. 

in,  sleep 


a%  hold,  take 

a",  be 

a",  roll 

a"l,  contract 

anpli,  trade 

ac,  urinate 

at,  fasten 

ant.ain,  creak,  squeak 

aw,  lack 

ay,  crawl,  slide 

ha,  hold,  carry 

ha,  flow 

ha",  split 

ha",  rub 

ha",  build 

hanl,  hear 

ham,  say,  tell,  desire 

han,  stick  on,  fit 

hana,  think,  believe 

hate,  sneeze 

haw,  like,  desire 

hanwai,  eat 

hany,  search,  look  for 

hik,  go  together 

hil,  emerge,  draw  out,  drag 

hilyu,  sick 

him,  move 

hiw,  spill 

hok,  flay 

hu,  stop,  end,  begin 

hukol,  wash 

hul,  spin 

hum,  glad 

hum,  fly  about 

hue,  love 

hut 'op,  hunt 

im,  say 
im,  become 
im,  try 


ka",  slip  on 

kank,  become,  make 

kan,  swell 

kan,  kneel 

kan,  ka'y,  talk 

kap,  enter 

ki,  leave,  release 

k'i',  be  quiet 

kil,  say 

kil,  have  in  mind,  be  angry 

k'in,  pity,  whine,  cry,  stink,  rot 

kit,  follow 

kit-,  slice 

kit.,  neigh,  crow,  howl,  rattle 

kiw,  ask 

ko,  go 

k'o,  be  in 

k'ol,  die,  shrivel 

k'om,  resound 

kop,  growl 

kus,  spout,  blow 

kut,  begin,  first 

k'utc,  stretch 

la',  break,  crack 

lak,  emerge 

la"l,  step,  go  on  four  legs 

la°tc,  squeal,  crack 

lau' ,  lawh,  be  able 

li,  kill 

lik,  swallow,  drown 

lit,  touch 

lo',  cough 

lu,  descend,  chop 

luk,  project,  punch 

mam,  grow 
ma"t,  shoot 
mi,  drink 


374        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


mi%  be 

min,  lie,  doubt 

mit'an-k,  hate 

mop,  gather 

mot,  gamble 

mot-,  join,  be  pressed 

muk,  bite,  seize  with  mouth 

muc,  laugh,  smile 

mutc-u,  squeak,  titter 

muy,  copulate 

nan,  press,  hold  down 

naham,  crazy 

nanak,  know 

nam,  lie 

naso,  roar,  sough 

na°w,  see 

nay,  pull 

ni,  have  cavity 

no',  live 

num,  smash,  mash 

o%  vomit,  spit 
o< ,  run 
ok'ol,  hollow 

pa,  lift,  rise 

panky,  shout 

pan,  hang 

pan,  fall,  stumble 

pantc,  mark 

pi,  track 

pi,  whistle 

pi-it,  mark,  notch 

pit- ',  close,  shut 

pok,  burst,  crack,  pop 

pohotc,  contract 

pul,  miss,  not  hit 

putc,  blow 

sa',  fail,  unable 
sak,  child,  bear 
sat-,  have  for 
sa'w,  call,  sing,  cry 
sany,  defecate 
sil,  tear,  rip 
sot-,  scratch,  cut 
sup,  throw 


can-c,  bite 

ca°-y,  chew 

cant,  split,  shave 

cay,  alive 

cilo,  resemble 

cim,  paint 

cit,  spark  snaps 

cite,  split,  whittle 

ciw,  ripple 

coy,  stuff 

cu',  sit,  stay,  go  down 

ta,  float,  drown 

tan,  lick 

tan,  find,  appear 

tanl,  menstruate  (=not?) 

tanl,  win,  beat  (=not?) 

ta-m,  enter 

tas,  snare,  trap 

tat,  make,  good 

tany,  tie  to 

tany,  cut 

ti,  cut  off 

ti,  hurt,  pain 

ti,  fly,  jump 

tik,  paint 

tik,  coil 

tiw,  run  to,  move  to 

tiw,  glad 

tok,  knot,  joint 

top,  tie  together 

tot,  consume 

t'ot,  slip  out 

tot-,  fall 

tot-,  play  ball 

t  'u,  push,  lay 

tu,  brush,  comb 

tuk,  strike,  reach 

tul,  perforate 

tut,  rub  off,  scrape 

tutc,  pound 

t-ank,  scrape,  shave,  clean 
t-an,  plug,  close 

tca-k,  slap,  whip 
tc  'al,  pull 
tcan,  give 
tcatc,  bud 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  375 

tc'i,  twist  wim,  roar 

tci,  tcay,  rattle  wit,  work 

tcik,  roll  wit,  turn 

tcin,  pinch  wit-,  throw 

tcip,  squeeze  out  witc,  knock  over 

tciy,  flash,  glitter  we',  walk,  go 

tc'u',  sprout  wok,  dance,  sing 

tcuk,  fall  off  wos,  bend,  stoop,  animal  stands 

wum,  stir 
u,  fear 

u,  bring  ya,  climb,  ascend 

u',  sew  ya",  stand,  stick 

uk,  bark,  howl  ya",  blaze 

uc,  wrinkle,  shrink  ya"w,  think 

yi,  yik,  play 

wa"k,  pay  yitc,  tremble 

wank,  disjoint  yo-a,  have 

wan,  mix,  soft  yu,  shake,  swing,  dangle 

wantc,  tell,  instruct  yu,  do,  happen 
wil,  pass  by 

The  number  of  homonyms  is  great.    A  random  example : 

kil,  say 

kil,  angry,  bear  in  mind 

-kil,  verbal  suffix 

-k'il,  toward,  noun-suffix 

k'il-,  seed 

k'il,  coal 

k  'il-,  striped 

k  'il-,  crooked 

k  'il,  son,  daughter 

k  'il,  element  occuring  in  words  for  widower,  ghost 

There  are  very  few  reduplicated  or  duplicated  words  and  few 
that  are  onomatopoetic.  The  presence  or  absence  of  these  two 
phenomena  is  usually  coincident.  Most  of  the  languages  of  Cali- 
fornia show  a  number  of  onomatopoetically  reduplicated  words. 


TEXT. 

k'a'm-1-itc          ii          mil-t'u  yii-k-i'k-am         ii         i'm-pis 

Wild-cat             it  is  said        deer-heart  playing,                        somewhere-from 

hul-k'o'i        na'unt-mil        san-e'i  ain-it          wo'o'-ma          na" 

<'<>votr                       looked.                    And  gradually          walked-toward             and 

si-i'i       ki-ma'c-nam-i'1-k        ei  hanca'       a"-ii       su'up-is       ii 

and                     what-he-did,  again            slope-on         throwing, 


376        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


yii-k-i'-mil 

played. 


se-e  i         im-pis 

And       somewhere-from 

ki-ma'c-k        ii 

doing-that, 


ei 


se-e  i        an 

And          always 

ki       hul-k  'o'i      ei 

that  Coyote 

yii-k-i-nam-i'1-kon 

wbat-he-was-playing 

ki'w-is-mil        i'iyi 

asked:  "What 

k  'a'm-1-ite        i'i-yi 

Wild-eat:  "What 

ka          cu'uh-uk 

here  sit, ' ' 

kaint       anp    nan'  w-i'-wi 

long  I 


ki        hul-k 'o'i 

that  Coyote 

yi'i-k-i-mil 

played. 


se-e  i 

And 


han'ye       t  'an-sa-tl-mil       si-i'i 

now         made-himself-be-found.       And 


na'un'  -mil 

looked. 

han'ye 

now 

k  'am-l-itc 

Wild-eat 

hul-k'o'i 

Coyote 


se-ei 

And 

anp 

I 


11 


i'iyi 

something 


suup-is-u 

kept-throwing." 

su'up-is-ha      ii 

was-throwing?" 

ei       a"-ii       ii 

slope-on 

tanl-k  kup 

not-so, 

kii 


saw 

si-ei        k  'a'm-1-itc 


smooth 

i'iyi 

"What 


anp 

i 


11 

that 

ku'up-a 

sister's-son 

ya'un-ha 

regards?" 

anp         mis 

I  yon, 

k  'a'm-1-ite 

Wild-cat 


huu'u-t-mil          se-e'i 

stopped.  And 

cinki-mi       kup        yii-k-i-cilo'o-wi 

?  -you  sister's  son       play-appeared-to?" 

anp        yu'u-y-am-ha         tanhan'l-k 

I  was-doing  ?  Nothing-it-is ; 

i'mei-mil          tanl-k          tanlk          kup 

said.  "Not-it-is,         not-it-is,   sister's  son, 

mi        tat-e'itc        neyu'    ka'i 

you  pretty 

ei       i'mei-mil 

And  Wild-cat  said : 

i'mei-mil       san-e'i       po'-hot-       ha '-nam-il-ki'i 

said.  And  oak-gall  had-whieh 

su'up-ak-mil         se-e'i          hul-k'o'i          tanl-k 

threw  (once).  And  Coyote:  "Not-so, 

ka'int          anp          nanw-i'-wi        i'mi-ye-kit- 

I  watched,"  said-when, 

cu'uh-sil-mil       se-ei 

sat-down.  And: 

sak        anp        mi'hi 

Baby  I  am, 

kup           kii        yi'i-k-a 

sister's  son,        that  play! 


long 


61 


sister's-son, 

k  'a'm-1-itc 

Wild-cat 

iit        haik  'a'i-ha 

me  think-foolish? 

san-e'i        li's 

And:  "Come, 


nyi 

"What 


yu' 

makes 


ku'up-a 

sister's  son 

si-kan' 

Then 


kup          na'un-ni 

sister's-son,       will  watch." 

ii        hanye'        kii 

now  that 

hul-k'o'i 

Coyote 


ei 


si-e  i 

And 

mil-t'u' 

deer-heart 

na'un-mil 

watched. 

ki-pa'un-kot 

back 


a  -ei          se-e  i 

slope-on.  And 

suup-a'k-mil         a'  '-ei         se-e'i 

threw  (once)  slope-on.  And 

hul-k'o'a  muk-la'w-e-t-mil  sop-ei 

Coyote  involuntarily-moved-to-snap-it.  For-that 

k 'in-i'tc-tl-mil     san-e'i     han'ye      ha'a-t-il-mil 

almost-cried.  And  now  took. 


hanye'         kii 

now  that 

suup-a'k-mil- 

threw  (once) 

se-e'i          hanca' 

And  again 

an-i'c-t-i      ei 

rolling, 

k  'a'm-1-itc 

Wild-cat 

kaint      ii      miit 

1  Long          I  you 


1911] 


Krocber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


377 


nanna'k-u  si-e'i  hul-k  Vi 

knew."  And  Coyote: 

kup  k'on          anp  kup 

sister's-son;          only  I,  sister's-son, 

sai-ki'1-u         se-e'i         lis  kup 

almost-did "  And:  "Come,  sister's-son, 

i'mei-mil         hul-k 'o'i         sak         anp 

said  Coyote.  "Baby  I 

ya'un-ha          ii  i'mei-mil  se-e'i 

thinks?"  said.  And 

su'up-ak-mil         se-e'i         an-e'-t-mil 

threw  (once).  And  rolled. 

mu'k-tl-mil        san-e'i        han'tc-tl-mil 

snapped-it.  And  split-it. 

k 'in-i-a'k-mil      se-e'i      ki-pa'un      ii 

cried.  And  together 

san-e'i 


tanl-k  tanl-k 

"  It-is-not-so,  it-is-not-so, 

yi'-miwa'a-tl 

play-help 

kup          ei 

sister's-son," 

ku'up-a 

sister's  son 


and: 

san-e'i 

And 


tco'  kup  tco' 

"  Here,  sister's-son,  here, 

tcan-e'-mil  se-e'i 

gave.  And 

se-ei         ki-pa'un-kil          a'n-lam-i       ei 

And  back-to  ward  roll-beginning, 

han'ye  lik-i'-t-mil    .        si-e'i 

now  swallowed.  And 

k'i'n-t-ii-mil         si-kit-i'i         k'o'l-k'il 

cried.  And  then  back-toward 


mis 

you 

lis 

hurry, 

mi'hi 

am, 

hanca'  a'  '-ei 

again  slope-on 

se-e'i         a'n-lam-i       ei 

And,  roll-beginning, 

sop-ei         k  'a'm-1-itc 

Wild-cat 

tcan-e'-mil 

gave, 

i'mei-mil 

said. 

su'up-ak-mil 

threw  (once). 

muk-tl-ki     ei 

snapping-it 

ha'n-k'il 

house-to 

ko'o-t-mil 


For-that 

motc-sa      ei 

pressing 


kup 

sister's  son," 

an'tan 

again 

hanye' 

now 

k 'a'm-1-itc 

Wild-cat 

hul-k  Vi 


Coyote 


se-e'i         k  'a'm-1-itc 

And  Wild-cat 

nam-nam-li-ki'i    ii 

lay-which 


ki-mac-i     mil-hut  'o'op-in-nam-li-kit-     se-e'i 

those  deer-hunt-go-whilc. 

han'l-t-mil  san-e'i  antan' 

heard.  And  again 

han-ku'ut-iy-it-         ha'-mil         se-e'i 

house-back-near  listened.  And 

se-e'i         hamlatc-ki         ya'-i-t-i       ei 

And  smoke-hole-at 

se-e'i        k  'a'm-1-itc 

And  Wild-cat 

p  'ii-mil-a'k-mil 

played  (once). 


went 

ki'm-la'n         ki-ma'c-at       mil-p  'i'i-mo  '1 

his-own-brothers  of-those  deer-flute 

ha"-ma    ei       p 'ii-mi'1-mil  kim-la'n 

taking,  whistled  his-own-brothers 

antan'      hul-k 'o'-a 

And  again  Coyote 

wo'o  '-ma-mil  san-e'i 

walked-toward.  And 

kan-u'uk        pii-mi'1-mil 

talk- water  whistled. 

han'ye         tan'sa-tl-mil 

now  sbowed-himself. 

ei        ha  '-ma'-n-kil      ei 

picking-up 


climbing 

ki'w-i-pi'i-mo  '1 

elder-flute 


378        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.   [Vol.  9 


PARTIAL   ANALYSIS. 

k  'am-l-ite,  Wild  eat,  from  k  'am-o  '1,  panther,  and  the  diminutive  suffix  -ite. 

ii,  particle  used  in  myths  to  indicate  that  the  narrative  does  not  rest  on 
the  personal  experience  of  the  narrator. 

mil-t'u,  deer-heart,  composite  of  two  independent  stems  as  in  English. 

yii-k-i-k-am,  playing,  from  stem  yi,  play,  appearing  usually  with  an  un- 
known suffix  -k;  -i-,  euphonic,  to  separate  the  two  -k-  suffixes;  -k, 
suffix  indicating  action,  not  a  condition;  -am,  suffix  expressing 
on  verbs  a  more  or  less  definite  continuative.  The  word  is  the 
predicate  of  k'am-1-itc,  wild-cat,  but  lacking  a  tense  or  mode 
suffix  is  participial  and  subordinate  to  nau"'  -mil,  saw. 

ii,  ' '  dubitative  "  particle  described  above. 

im-pis,  from  somewhere,  from  im,  interrogative  where,  here  used  in- 
definitely, and  ablative  suffix  -pis. 

hul-k'oi,  Coyote.  The  composition  is  not  clear:  hul  is  eye,  k'oi  is  gopher, 
regarded  as  the  characteristic  food  of  the  coyote. 

nau"'  -mil,  looked,  from  stem  nan<  w,  to  see,  here  used  intransitively,  and 
suffix  mil,  used  in  narrative  in  place  of  tense-suffixes  to  indicate 
the  finite  verb  of  the  sentence,  but  lacking  specific  temporal  indica- 
tion. 

saD-ei,  introductory  particle,  composed  of  sa",  opposed  to  si,  and  indicat- 
ing that  the  subject  of  the  verb  introduced  is  the  same  as  that  of 
the  finite  verb  in  the  last  sentence,  and  the  ' '  dubitative ' '  particle  ii. 

ai"-it,  gradually,  apparently  derived  from  verbal  stem  any,  to  glide,  by  a 
suffix  -it  or  -t  of  unknown  meaning,  perhaps  found  also  in  kaint, 
long  ago. 

woo  '-ma,  walked  toward,  from  verb  stem  wo ',  to  walk,  go,  and 
suffix  -ma  expressing  motion  toward.  As  frequently,  there  are  no 
tense  or  mode  suffixes  following  this  suffix,  so  that  the  verb  is  to 
be  regarded  as  participial,  connected  by  nan,  "and,"  with  the 
participial  form  suup-is,  throwing;  and  with  it  subordinate  to  the 
finite  verb  yii-k-i-mil,  played. 

na",  and,  connecting  the  participial  clauses  containing  woo  'ma  and 
suup-is;  usually  only  a  connective  of  words. 

si-ii,  introductory  particle,  composed  of  si,  opposed  to  san,  and  indicating 
that  the  subject  of  the  verb  introduced  is  different  from  the 
subject  of  the  preceding  verb;  and  the  particle  ii.  San-ii  and  si-ii 
are  ordinarily  used  only  at  the  head  of  complete  sentences,  so  that 
they  can  be  translated  by  introductory  "and";  here  they  head 
two  parts  of  the  same  sentence  and  are  therefore  connected  by 
the  conjunction  nan,  and. 

ki-mac-nam-il-k,  what  he  did,  relative  verbal  form;  derived  by  the  final 
tense  suffix  -k,  indicating  an  indefinite  present  and  having  verbi- 
fying force;  and  by  the  relative  suffix  nam-li  or  nam-il,  of  unknown 
origin;  from  a  stem  ki-mae,  primarily  demonstrative,  from  ki,  that, 
and  mac,  probably  meaning  in  such  manner;  the  combined  form 
having  the  meaning  thus  (?)  and  being  used  with  the  plural  suffix 
-i  as  the  regular  plural,  kimaci,  those,  of  ki,  that;  but  here  em- 
ployed as  a  verb-stem,  as  in  the  form  ki-mac-k  below. 

ei  =  ii. 
ha°ca,  again. 

a'-ii,  on  the  slope,  from  a',  slope,  and  locative  suffix  -i,  probably  a  form 
of  -ki,  at. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  379 

suup-is,  throwing,  from  sup,  throw,  and  suffix  -is  indicating  repeated 
action;  without  tense  or  mode  suffix,  and  therefore  participial, 
coordinated  with  woo  '-ma  by  nan  and  subordinated  to  yii-k-i-mil. 

ii. 

yii-k-i-mil,    played,    from    stem    yi    with    its    usual    derivative    suffix    -k, 

euphonic  -i-,  and  finite  suffix  -mil. 

se-ei,  introductory  particle  indicative  of  change  of  subject, 
im-pia,  somewhere-from,  as  above 

ki,  that,  ordinary  demonstrative,  equivalent  to  "the,"  "he,  she  or  it," 
and  (when  contrasted  with  ka,  this)  "that";  here  attributive  to 
hul-k  'oi,  Coyote,  and  equivalent  to  ' '  the  "  or  "  the  before-mentioned. ' ' 

hul-k 'oi,  Coyote,  subject  of  naun'-mil. 

nauD<  -mil,  looked,  from  stem  nan'  w,  as  before. 

se-ei,  introductory  particle  indicative  of  another  change  of  subject.  The 
subject  of  the  last  sentence  having  been  Coyote,  it  is  Wild-cat  in 
the  present  sentence.  There  is  no  noun  or  pronoun  or  any  repre- 
sentative of  the  subject  in  this  sentence. 

an,  always,  constantly. 

ki-mac-k,  doing  that,  verbal  participle  formed  by  the  verbalizing  present- 
suffix  -k  from  the  stem  ki-mac,  from  the  common  demonstrative  ki, 
that;  perhaps  literally  "thus-ing. "  Compare  ki-mac-nam-il-k  above. 

ii. 

yii-k-i-mil,  played,  as  above. 

se-ei,  indicates  change  of  subject,  a  return  to  Coyote. 

ha"ye,  now;  possibly  from  one  root  with  hanca,  again,  occurring  above. 

ki,  that,  the,  as  above  with  hul-k  'oi. 

hul-k  'oi,  Coyote. 

ei  =  ii. 

ha"ye,  now,  tautological. 

t  'an-sa-tl-mil,  showed  himself,  literally,  made  himself  be  found.  Stem 
t'a",  find;  -sa-,  evidently  related  to  causative  suffix  -si-,  a  similar 
form  appearing  in  motc-sa-  below;  -tl-,  frequent  transitive-intentional- 
causative  suffix;  -mil,  suffix  of  finite  verb. 

si-ii,  indicates  change  of  subject  to  Wild-cat  again. 

k'am-1-itc,  Wild-cat. 

yii-k-i-nam-il-kon,  that  which  he  was  playing,  objective  relative  parti- 
ciple. Yii-k-i  as  before,  -nam-il,  relative  suffix  of  verbs,  -kon, 
final  relative  suffix  apparently  in  the  objective  case. 

ei  =  ii. 

huuu-t-mil,  stopped,  from  stem  huu'u,  to  stop,  apparently  related  to  hu', 
begin,  by  an  unknown  process  of  derivation;  -t-,  intransitive  or 
involuntary  suffix  opposed  to  -tl-;  -mil,  suffix  of  finite  verb. 

se-ei,  indicating  change  of  subject. 

hul-k  'oi,  Coyote. 

kiw-is-mil,  asked,  from  kiw,  ask;  -is,  frequentative  suffix,  often  of  distinct 
iterative  meaning,  as  in  suup-is  above,  but  here  apparently  merely 
habitually  used  with  the  stem  kiw;  -mil,  suffix  indicating  finite  verb. 

iiyi,  what,  interrogative. 

cinki,  meaning  unknown;  iiyi-cinki-mi  is  a  frequent  interrogative  phrase. 

mi,  you,  personal  pronoun,  second  person  singular,  here  somewhat  enclitic 
to  cinki,  but  as  a  matter  of  accent,  not  construction;  grammatically 
an  independent  word,  subject  of  the  sentence. 

kup,  sister's  son;  here  an  appelation,  appositional  to  mi,  you. 


380        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


yii-k-i-eiloo-wi,  appeared  to  play;  from  yii-k-i,  from  usual  form  yii-k  of 
stem  yi,  as  above;  ciloo,  to  seem,  resemble,  be  like,  used  as  an  inde- 
pendent verb  stem  and  more  frequently  as  a  suffix  with  the  force  of 
an  auxiliary  verb,  like  lau%  be  able,  and  im,  try;  -wi,  ordinary  past 
tense-suffix  used  in  direct  discourse,  its  place  being  taken  in  narrative 
by  -mil. 

se-ei,  announcing  another  change  of  subject.  ' 

k'am-1-itc,  Wild-cat,  subject  of  imeimil,  said,  at  the  end  of  the  quotation 
beginning  with  the  following  word. 

iiyi,  what,  interrogative,  object  of  the  verb  yuu-y-am-ha,  did. 

anp,  I,  independent  pronoun  occurring  both  in  this  form  and  as  anp-el; 
subject  of  yuu-y-am-ha. 

yuu-y-am-ha,  was  doing;  from  stem  yu,  to  do;  -y-  phonetic  glide  frequent 
before  the  suffixes  -am  and  -ak  after  unaspirated  vowels;  -am,  suffix 
usually  having  a  continuative  or  iterative  force,  as  here;  -ha  final 
interrogative  suffix,  displacing  the  tense-suffix. 

tanhanl-k,  it  is  nothing  or  it  is  not  so,  verbal  derivative  by  the  present- 
tense  suffix  -k  from  an  enlargement  by  unknown  derivation  from 
the  stem  tan  or  tanl,  no,  not.  Tanl-k  occurs  with  the  same  meaning 
in  the  next  sentence. 

anp,  I,  subject  of  following  cuuh-uk,  sit. 

ka,  here,  strictly  "this,"  demonstrative  pronoun  of  proximity.  Ka  may 
in  this  sentence  form  a  compound  with  the  following  cuuhuk, 
ka-cuuhuk,  I  sit  here;  one  should  expect  the  usual  locative  form 
kat-a,  at  this,  here. 

euuh-uk,  am  sitting,  from  stem  cu<,  and  present  suffix  -ik,  the  u  of  the 
suffix  being  obscure. 

ii,  dubitative  particle,  here  indicating  the  cessation  of  the  direct  dis- 
course in  which  it  is  not  used,  and  the  resumption  of  the  narrative. 

imeimil,  said,  predicate  of  k'am-1-itc  above,  the  entire  intervening  quota- 
tion with  three  finite  verbs  being  logically  the  object.  Formed 
by  the  suffix  -mil  indicating  the  finite  verb  in  narrative,  from 
imei,  probably  composed  of  stem  im-  and  euphonic  -i-  to  separate 
final  m  of  the  stem  and  initial  m  of  the  suffix. 

tanl-k,  it  is  not  so,  from  tanl,  no,  not,  and  present  or  verbilizing  suffix  -k. 

tanl-k,  it  is  not  so. 

kup,  sister's  son,  appelation. 

kaint,  for  a  long  time. 

anp,  I,  subject  of  the  following  verb. 

nantw-i-wi,  looked,  was  looking,  as  above.  Probably  intransitive  here, 
as  the  following  clause,  which  logically  is  its  object,  is  not  sub- 
ordinated to  it  but  also  contains  a  finite  verb. 

iiyi,  something,  interrogative  what?  here  used  indefinitely,  object  of  mi- 
suup-is-u,  you  threw;  possibly  equivalent  to  a  relative  connecting 
na"w-i-wi  and  suup-is-u,  though  such  a  construction  would  not  be 
characteristic. 

mi,  you,  subject  of  suup-is-u. 

tat-eitc,  pretty,  from  tat,  good,  and  diminutive  suffix  -ite;  also  tat-am; 
attributive  to  iiyi,  something. 

neyu,  smooth,  in  the  same  construction  as  tat-eitc. 

ka'i,  I 

suup-is-u,  kept  throwing,  predicate  of  mi,  from  sup,  throw,  suffix  -is 
expressive  of  iteration  or  continuation,  and  final  past-tense  suffix 
-wi,  as  in  nan'w-i-wi,  here  as  often  contracted  to  -u. 

si-ei,  particle  introducing  a  new  sentence  which  will  have  a  different 
subject  from  the  last. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  381 


GENERAL  CHARACTER  OF  THE  LANGUAGE." 

The  most  important  characteristics  of  the  Yuki  language  may 
be  said  to  be  the  following :  phonetic  simplicity,  both  as  regards 
the  limited  number  of  sounds  and  the  absence  of  accumula- 
tion of  either  consonants  or  vowels ;  phonetic  rigidity  or  immuta- 
bility, evident  particularly  in  the  lack  of  modification  of  stem  or 
affix  elements  as  these  are  brought  together;  a  strongly  mono- 
syllabic character  of  the  elements  of  the  language,  which  does 
not,  however,  prevent  the  formation  of  words  of  some  length; 
the  absence  of  reduplication;  the  use  of  suffixation  as  the  only 
structural  or  grammatical  means  employed;  the  presence  of  a 
moderate  number  of  suffixes  but  the  rigid  restriction  of  these, 
apart  from  a  few  noun-forming  endings,  to  designations  of 
number  in  nouns,  of  case  and  locative  relations  in  nouns,  of 
auxiliary,  derivative,  and  general  adverbial  ideas  in  the  verb, 
and  of  the  relations  of  mode  and  tense  in  the  verb ;  the  absence 
of  affixes,  particles,  or  classifiers  denoting  shape,  kind  of  motion, 
substance,  or  instrument;  complete  absence  of  any  form  of 
incorporation  or  pronominal  affixation;  a  clear  distinction  of 
all  words  into  either  nouns,  verbs,  or  adverbs, — pronouns  and 
demonstratives  being  nouns,  adjectives  verbs;  a  well  developed 
subordinating  sentence  structure;  the  expression  of  delicate 
shades  of  relation  between  sentences  by  a  series  of  connectives; 
and  the  lack  of  an  absolute  differentiation  of  stem  and  suffix,  as 
shown  by  the  use  of  certain  stems  also  in  the  latter  capacity. 

WAPPO. 

A  few  phonetic  and  grammatical  notes  obtained  on  the 
Wappo  dialect  reveal  certain  identities  with  Yuki  proper  and 
a  number  of  interesting  divergences.  Dr.  S.  A.  Barrett  has 
shown  that  the  Wappo  language  is  spoken  in  five  dialects,  or 
more  properly  sub-dialects,  as  the  differences  are  scarcely  per- 
ceptible. The  notes  here  given  are  on  the  Northwestern  or 
Russian  river  sub-dialect. 


5*  Compare  Boas  Memorial  Volume,  64-79,  1906. 


382        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

Phonetically  Wappo  is  very  similar  to  Yuki,  both  the  con- 
stituent sounds  and  their  characteristic  combinations  being  almost 
identical.  The  principal  differences  are  the  absence  of  nasalized 
vowels  from  Wappo  and  the  presence  of  a  series  of  sonant  stops 
corresponding  to  the  surds.  These  have  not  been  recognized  by 
Dr.  Barrett.  As  they  had  been  written  in  a  Wappo  vocabulary 
obtained  by  the  author  previous  to  Dr.  Barrett's  studies,  par- 
ticular attention  was  therefore  subsequently  given  to  the  ques- 
tion of  their  occurrence,  at  the  time  when  the  information  was 
secured  on  which  the  present  notes  are  based.  It  is  however  true 
that  the  sonants  are  less  different  from  the  surds  than  is  the 
case  in  English. 

As  in  Yuki,  both  ordinary  and  fortis  surd  stops  occur,  k',  t', 
p',  t-'  tc',  and  ts'  having  been  heard.  Glottal  stops  are  marked 
and  frequent.  E  and  o  are  open,  but  i  and  u  seem  to  be  close. 

The  pronouns  differ  from  those  of  Yuki  chiefly  in  that  the 
possessive,  objective,  and  independent  or  unsyntactical  forms  are 
identical,  and  somewhat  different  from  the  subjective  forms.  The 
possessive  pronouns  are  prefixed  or  preposed.  A  possessive  and 
objective  of  the  third  person  singular  is  de.  The  pronouns  so 
far  as  obtained  are : 

Subj.  Obj.  Poss.  Indep. 

1  s.  a  I  i  I 

2  s.  mi  mi  ml  mi 

3  s.  de  de 

1  p.  isi  isa  isa 

2  p.  imsa  misa 

The  demonstratives  are  he'  and  we'  and  thus  unrelated  to 
Yuki  ka  and  ki.  Another  apparent  demonstrative  is  tse.  Self  is 
rendered  by  mai. 

Nouns  show  a  plural,  of  persons  only,  in  -te.  The  locative  and 
instrumental  suffixes  determined  are : 

-ti,  -i,  instrumental 

-mi,  -me,  at,  in,  referring  to  time 

-tu,  -ta,  at,  in,  referring  to  time 

-bi,  from,  of 

-deimu,  on 

-ompi,  under 

The  tense  suffixes  for  the  present,  past,  and  future  are  -wi,  -ta, 


1911J  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  383 

and  -si.  Of  these  the  present  suffix  has  a  past  meaning  in  Yuki ; 
the  future  in  Yuki  is  -pa,  not  -si ;  the  Wappo  past,  -ta,  is  not 
known  from  Yuki.  The  imperative  is  formed  by  a  suffix  -e, 
either  with  or  without  a  prefixed  or  preposed  ina.  The  optative 
of  the  first  person  plural  is  indicated  by  the  suffix  -si,  which  is 
probably  the  future  tense  sign,  with  or  without  the  imperative 
prefix  ma.  Interrogation  is  expressed  by  the  final  suffix  -ha,  as 
in  Yuki.  The  negative  is  -laxki,  la'k.  The  use  of  this  form  is 
interesting,  as  it  appears  to  be  the  Yuki  potential  suffix  or 
auxiliary  verb  lau',  lauh.  A  suffix  -la,  with  or  without  ho  pre- 
posed to  the  verb,  may  be  a  continuative.  Other  verbal  forms  of 
undetermined  significance  are  -uk  and  a  preposed  or  prefixed  o-. 

The  dubitative  or  quotative  particle  ii  of  Yuki,  and  the  intro- 
ductory particles  or  connective  words  that  are  so  conspicuous  in 
that  language,  have  not  been  observed.  There  is  no  trace  of  them 
in  the  recorded  text  of  a  myth. 

The  general  appearance  of  the  verb,  place  of  the  pronouns 
before  it,  and  the  relative  order  of  words  in  the  sentence,  closely 
parallel  Yuki. 

Specimen  phrases : 

k  'u-ye,  k  'uw-e,  run ! 

a  ho-k  'uw-ala,  I  am  running,  I  ran 

mi  I  nau-e-ta-ha,  did  you  see  me? 

a'  mi  nau-ta-la'k,  I  did  not  see  you. 

a  de  hakce-laxk,  I  do  not  like  him. 

I  okani  I  hakce,  my  friend  likes  me 

de  a  k'ewi  naw-i-si,  I  shall  see  him  to-morrow 

bata  a  mi  nau-wi,  I  see  you  now. 

isi  ma-k  'uw-e-si,  let  us  run 

a  ma  k 'uw-e-hakce-laxki,  I  do  not  want  to  run 

ma-ba-e,  eat! 

isi-ba-e-si,  let  us  eat. 

u  a'  o-ba-ta,  already  I  ate 

o-ba-uk,  eat 

he'  utci  a'  o-ba-e-si,  this  night  I  will  eat 

i  okani  o-ba-ta-laxki  sumi,  my  friend  did  not  wish  to  eat  yesterday 

a  lel-i  ml  o-tcap-i-si,  I  will  strike  you  with  a  rock 


384        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


WIYOT. 

The  Wiyot  occupied  the  Coast  from  the  Bear  River  mountains 
north  as  far  as  to  Little  river.  Inland  they  held  only  to  the 
first  watershed.  Humboldt  bay  and  the  lowest  course  of  Eel 
river  were  the  most  important  points  in  their  territory,  which 
was  one  of  the  most  restricted  held  by  any  linguistic  family  in 
America.  The  Wiyot  call  their  language  Sulatelak.  Those 
about  Humboldt  bay  call  themselves  Wiki-daredaliL,  from  Wiki, 
the  name  of  the  Humboldt  bay  district.  The  Mad  river  portion 
of  their  territory  they  call  Patawat,  and  the  country  about 
lower  Eel  river  Wiyat  or  Wiyot.  Viard,  a  name  that  has  been 
applied  to  them,  is  a  rendering  of  Wiyot.  The  Yurok  call  them 
Weyet  and  the  Karok  use  a  similar  term.  They  have  been 
erroneously  called  Wishosk,  Wic'ack  having  been  interpreted  as 
the  designation  given  them  by  their  Athabascan  neighbors.  It  is 
the  term  which  they  apply  to  these  Athabascan  neighbors,  wici 
meaning  interior. 

The  Wiyot  language,  which  does  not  appear  to  be  dialectically 
differentiated,  is  rather  difficult  phonetically  and  grammatically. 
Material  was  recorded  from  six  or  eight  individuals,  none  of 
whom  proved  a  satisfactory  linguistic  informant.  Several  texts 
that  were  secured  throw  little  light  on  the  structure  of  the 
language  because  they  are  loosely  translated,  because  the  in- 
formants were  unable  to  render  adequate  assistance  in  the 
analysis  of  the  expressions  contained  in  them,  and  because  the 
sentences  in  the  texts  consist  chiefly  of  independent  verbs,  so 
that  they  present  little  context. 

PHONETICS. 

Wiyot  is  spoken  indistinctly  and  lacks  the  phonetic  clarity 
characteristic  of  the  three  languages  previously  considered  in 
this  paper.  The  vowels  have  but  little  saturation  of  quality,  and 
are  frequently  slurred  so  as  to  be  obscure,  a  feature  which  has 
been  indicated  by  small  capital  letters.  E  and  o  are  open. 
Nasalized  vowels  and  a,  o,  ii  do  not  occur. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  3S.1 

The  consonants  are : 

k      k'      g  g' 
t         t'        d       s  n 

P        p'       b  m 

1,  L,  r,  c,  to,  is,  y,  w,  h,' 

There  are  no  velars.  Surd  and  sonant  stops  are  easily  con- 
fused. There  are  no  fricatives  outside  of  the  s  class,  except 
g',  which  appears  to  be  a  final  and  medial  modification  of  g. 
A  nasal  in  the  k  position  does  not  occur.  S  and  c  (sh),  as  well 
as  ts  and  tc,  do  not  seem  to  have  sonant  equivalents.  Surd  or 
lateral  L,  often  affricative,  is  perhaps  at  other  times  only  a  con- 
tinuant. The  r  is  rather  soft,  though  less  dorso-palatal  than 
Yurok  r.  It  is  less  trilled  than  Porno  or  Karok  r.  The  fortes 
surds  are  not  very  strongly  exploded.  Glottal  stops,  ',  are  fre- 
quent. Initial  w  is  frequently  heard  as  m,  v,  or  b.  It  is  there- 
fore probable  either  that  w  is  habitually  spoken  with  much  less 
rounding  of  the  lips  than  in  English,  or  that  besides  w  there 
exists  a  sound  kindred  to  bilabial  v.  Owing  to  uncertainty  on 
this  point,  only  w  has  been  written,  though  v  was  often  recorded. 
Yurok  w  approaches  v  in  quality,  and  Karok  possesses  v  but  no  w. 

Wiyot  is  of  the  small  number  of  California  linguistic  families 
that  permit  combinations  of  consonants  both  initially  and  finally 
and  in  stems.  The  variety  of  such  initial  and  final  combinations 
is  however  quite  restricted,  nor  are  medial  combinations  con- 
spicuously frequent.  Initial  collocations  are :  kw,  which  is  pos- 
sibly a  development  of  a  simple  sound;  cw  and  sw;  pi  and 
perhaps  bl;  tk,  tck,  and  tsk.  LW,  tew,  tw,  kc,  and  kL  have  also 
been  recorded,  but  so  rarely  that  their  occurrence  cannot  be 
looked  upon  as  positively  determined.  Final  combinations  are 
kw,  tk,  and  tck.  Besides,  tw,  ks,  and  sk  have  been  heard  once 
each ;  pc  on  two  names  of  places  in  Yurok  territory ;  and  pL  in 
several  instances.  The  rarer  uncorroborated  occurrences,  both 
initially  and  finally,  must  be  considered  doubtful  on  account  of 
the  habit  of  many  speakers  frequently  to  slur  unaccented  vowels. 

It  is  however  clear  that  kw,  tk,  and  tck  are  found  both  at  the 
beginning  and  end  of  words;  and  that  k,  t,  p,  tc,  c,  s,  and  L,  in 
other  words  surds,  comprise  the  consonants  that  occur  in  first 
position,  and  that  k,  c,  s,  w,  1,  and  L  occur  in  second  place  in 


386        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

combinations.  In  the  interior  of  words,  where  composition  and 
derivation  bring  other  consonants  into  juxtaposition,  there  is 
less  restriction  on  combinations,  but  the  component  elements  are 
frequently  heard  separately. 

All  sounds  in  the  language  occur  initially  and  finally,  with 
the  following  exceptions:  Vowels  and  n  are  not  found  at  the 
beginning  of  words,  and  the  sonant  stops  g,  d,  b,  besides  of  course 
h,  y,  w,  not  at  the  end.  It  should  be  added  that  final  vowels  are 
not  common.  There  are  a  few  instances  of  initial  vowels,  all  in 
words  which  appear  to  be  of  other  than  Wiyot  origin :  ikti  'n, 
also  recorded  as  hiktl'n  and  kti'n,  Klamath  river;  eckapc,  Gold 
Bluff,  Yurok  ecpeu,  also  in  Yurok  territory ;  itesi,  small  shells, 
perhaps  obtained  by  the  Wiyot  in  trade;  iewetck,  silver.  That 
n  does  not  occur  initially  is  connected  with  a  certain  relation 
betwen  it  and  r  and  1.  The  absence  of  the  sonant  stops  d  and  b 
from  final  position  is  possibly  due  to  imperfect  apperception 
rather  than  to  actual  non-occurrence.  G  however  seems  to 
become  continuant,  g' ,  when  final.  This  may  be  due  to  influence 
of  Yurok,  in  which  g  is  always  a  continuant. 

E,  1,  and  n  are  closely  related.  Each  has  been  recorded  in 
place  of  the  others. 

haluwi,  haruwi,  boat 

-helel,  -heler,  on  numerals 

kac-werar,  small  house,  rat-welar,  large  house 

gu-dalew-iL,  gu-danow-en,  stand 

won-e'l,  wor-e'r,  his  arm 

meledal,  hi-meredal,  walk 

ritwe-lakwil,  ritwe-wacuk-rakwil,  crescent-shaped 

laliL,  rariL,  stream 

'     What  seems  to  be  original  n  changes  to  r  or  1  when  initial, 
reappearing  after  a  prefix  ending  in  a  vowel.    The  same  process  - 
seems  sometimes  to  occur  finally,  but  may  be  a  conversion  of  r 
to  n  before  an  added  vowel. 

rawili,  right,  ka-nawili,  not  right,  left 
riewom-ot,  kwi-niewom,  kill 
-tiar,  -tian-ik,  suffix  of  possessive  pronouns 
yi-dar,  my  father,  dan-e'l,  his  father 
k-elir,  your  eye,  w-elin-e'l,  his  eye 

It  is  rather  striking  that  vowels  are  rarely  final  and  never 
initial. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  387 

Phonetically  Wiyot  agrees  with  Yurok  and  contrasts  con- 
spicuously with  Yuki,  Porno,  Karok,  Chimariko,  Yana,  Maidu, 
Wintun,  Miwok,  Costanoan,  Esselen,  Washo,  and  Yokuts,  whose 
enunciation  is  distinct  and  whose  stems  are  free  from  combina- 
tions of  consonants.  Nevertheless  the  indistinctness  of  speech, 
the  slurring  of  vowels,  and  the  accumulation  of  consonants,  are 
not  excessive  in  Wiyot,  and  are  more  moderate  than  in  certain 
more  northern  languages  of  the  Pacific  Coast  and  than  in  English. 

REDUPLICATION. 

Reduplication  is  not  abundant.  It  occurs  in  certain  onomato- 
poetic  verbs,  at  times  in  iterative  verbs  and  in  adjectival  stems, 
and  is  occasionally  used  to  indicate  rhetorical  emphasis.  It  is 
thus  word-forming  rather  than  grammatical. 

da  '-da  'kwa,  snore 

tsi-tsir,  sneeze 

da-dakak,  thunder 

cak-cakw-iL,  he  is  sick,  eakw-irak,  sickness 

dak-dakw-iL,  it  is  crossed 

daru-dalu-i,  all 

gabitcirakw  tci-wera-wera-wera-kw,  it  is  too  bad! 

It  is  apparent  that  in  onomatopoetic  verbs  the  initial  syllable 
is  reduplicated  as  far  as  the  vowel;  in  other  cases  an  entire 
syllable  or  stem  is  duplicated.  There  appear  to  be  a  few  nouns 
that  are  normally  reduplicated,  such  as  tcatcitckiri,  mud-hen, 
but  there  is  no  trace  of  reduplication  expressing  a  plural  or  col- 
lective-distributive. Iterative  reduplication  in  verbs  is  uncommon. 

COMPOSITION. 

In  composition  of  two  nouns,  the  determining  precedes  the 
determined;  but  any  other  part  of  speech  determining  a  noun 
follows  it  in  composition. 

p'let-kacamale,  rocks-small,  Little  River 
p 'leta-caweti,  rocks-white,  Glendale 
wits-karerer,  canine-wild,  coyote 
wopL-akatkera,  redwood-branches 
dikwa-motwiL,  white-man-woman 
ritsowel-ailokwe,  night-moon 
wene-welir,  sky-eyes,  stars 
gatsire-weliL,  crow-foot 


388        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

If  however  a  term  of  direction  is  united  with  a  noun,  it  pre- 
cedes. It  seems  that  such  terms  are  prefixes,  and  that  the 
process  of  combination  is  one  of  derivation  rather  than  of  com- 
position when  these  elements  are  added  to  nouns. 

wici-dikwa,  inland-spirit 
gudatri-gakwiL,  above-old-man 

In  a  number  of  compounds  only  part  of  the  elements  can  be 
positively  determined. 

haluwi-tulaliyutxu,  Medilding  village  at  Hupa,55  (haluwi,  boat) 
da-Lak-dale-waiyits,  come-in-ship  dog,  native  dog  (Lak,  ship;  waiyits, 

dog) 

cawet-oc-iL,  bald-eagle  (cawet,  white;  -iL,  suffix  of  third  person) 
cawet-colig-iL,  brant 
dela-bel-iL,  killer-whale  (bel,  to  fish) 
mes-wululel,  fire-place  (mes,  fire) 

swaptil-haluwi-laliL,  Vance  Mill  (haluwi,  boat;  laliL,  stream) 
ta-boderuc-datige-raliL,  Lindsey  Creek  (boderuc,  brodiaea  roots) 
we-tapiis,  thumb  (we's,  hand,  fingers) 
guts-er-ol,  fresh  water  (guts,  good,  ho'l,  water) 
gotso-wen,  day  (go  'ts-,  one,  or  guts,  good,  wen,  sky) 
weni-crenim-iL,  mole    (wen,  sky,  which  according  to  myth  the  mole 

supported) 

Formations  similar  to  bahuvrihis  or  possessive  compounds 
occur. 

baLe-ranaLa,  Chinaman  (baL,  hair;  raLa,  long) 
twanagit-erowak,  sheep  (blanket-make) 

DERIVATION. 

Word-forming  derivatives  that  have  been  determined  are 
suffixes,  except  terms  of  direction,  which  are  prefixed. 

-ate,  -hats,  -wdts,  diminutive : 

bac-ats,  small  flat  basket 

hutcwatc-hate,  small  cooking  basket 

haluwi-wats,  small  boat 

p 'let-wits-hats,  p'lets-wats,  small  rocks 

rariL-wats,  small  stream 

wetc-atc,  buds 

wlt-c-atc,  small  alder-trees 

watcewaiawatc-hats,  small  clam  shells  used  as  ornaments 


ss  Medilding  means  ' '  boat-place ' '  in  Hupa,  as  it  is  accessible  only  by 
boats. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  389 

-tar,  on  terms  of  color : 
mes-iar-etk,  red  (mes,  fire) 
siswa-ial-ewe-Lak,  brown  (siswa,  black) 

-Ldk,  on  terms  of  color : 
dukap-Lak,  yellow 
kika-i.ak,  red 
mes-iera-Lak-er,  red 
siswe-Lak-an,  black 
dukap-Layak-an,  green 
baduduwi-Lak,  dust-color 
Limaiusele  re-Lak-er,  blue-jay  color-it-is,  blue 

-gaLet,  on  adjectives  of  appearance : 

coyuwo-geLet,  striped 
tcwetc-gaLet,  plaid 
detcatc-gaLet,  spotted 

-lak,  language : 

sulate-lak,  Wiyot  language 
wicl-lak,  Athabascan  language 
denakwate-lak,  Yurok  language 
guradaliLrakwe-lak,  Karok  language 

-welel,  -helel,  on  numerals  above  four : 
we 's-ag-eleL,  5  (we's,  hand) 
dakLiluk-elel,  6 
halu-welel,  7 
hiowita-welel,  8 
meceruk-welel,  9 
rulok-helel,  10 
ritawa-helel,  20 
rikwa-helel,  30 
rama-helel,  40 
we 'sohele-welel,  50 
dakLilukhele-welel,  60 
haluhele-welel,  70 
hlwitahele-welel,  80 
mecerukhele-welel,  90 
gutseswani-helel,  100 

From  50  to  90  this  suffix  appears  twice  on  each  stem. 
There  are  several  noun-endings : 

-wil. 

gu-wil,  person  (cf.  guwi,  man) 
di-wel-a,  di-wil-e,  somebody,  another 

•ir,  probably  for  -in. 
wel-ir,  eye  (wel,  see) 


390        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

-&. 

maL-ak,  salmon,  food  (maL,  waL,  pL,  eat) 

-S. 

we '-s,  hand  (cf.  we-tapiis) 
p'let-s,  p'let-k,  rock 

-t. 

cwa-t,  bow  (swala,  shoot) 

-VL,  the  ending  of  the  third  person  on  verbs,  forms  numerous 
nouns.  The  stems  from  which  these  are  derived  are  in  many  cases 
undetermined,  but  seem  to  be  verbal. 

tiger-iL,  unmarried  man 

tserar-iL,  unmarried  woman 

kakeraw-iL,  woman 

gakw-iL,  old  man 

coor-eL,  index  finger  ("pointer") 

radapir-iL,  glutton 

rakwulir-iii,  wolf 

kanapel-iL,  grizzly-bear  ("biter") 

cawet-oe-iL,  bald-eagle 

dakaks-iL,  gun 

dawiLar-iL,  glass 

dawiL-wiw-iL,  mirror 

kagotsikc-iL,  lamp 

As  the  last  examples  as  well  as  several  previous  ones  can 
show,  Wiyot  is  not  at  all  averse  to  the  formation  of  new  words 
to  denote  new  objects.  The  majority  of  the  languages  of  Cali- 
fornia tend  to  adopt  Spanish  or  English  words. 

Several  endings  have  been  found  on  verbs  of  related  mean- 
ing, but  it  is  uncertain  whether  they  are  deriving  suffixes  added 
to  stems  or  themselves  verbs. 

-tskarer. 

rari-tskarer,  shave,  plane 
bitcewe-tskarer,  peel 
Leriwoke-tskarer,  peel 
ci-tskarer,  flay 

-uiyer. 

twe-Layer,  cut,  notch 
ka-Layer,  whittle 
hawe-Layer,  mash 
gutwaiap-Layer,  brush 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  391 

Terms  of  direction  precede  other  word-elements,  as  before 
stated.    To  the  examples  already  given  can  be  added : 
dat-kasiL,  top  of  head 
curi-laka,  west,  ocean 

Stems  of  terms  of  direction  are : 

wur,  north 

at,  teatc,  south 

cur,  west,  across  the  ocean 

tinie,  wici,  east,  interior,  upland 

dat,  up,  above 

When  forming  independent  words,  these  are  employed  with 
either  of  the  prefixes  rak-  and  ivik-. 

rak-wur,  north 

wik-tcatc,  wik-at,  south 

wik-cur,  west 

rak-tinie,  wik-tinie,  rak-dat,  east 

PRONOUN. 

The  Wiyot  pronoun  is  incorporated,  to  use  the  customary 
terminology.  In  other  words,  it  is  not  a  pronoun  at  all  but  a 
pronominal  element  which  is  normally  affixed  to  other  stems.  The 
independent  pronoun  occurs  only  unsyntactically,  as  in  answer 
to  questions,  or  emphatically,  when  it  is  used  in  addition  to  the 
pronominal  affixes  and  is  syntactically  superfluous. 

The  possessive  elements  are  chiefly  prefixed,  and  show  some 
similarity  to  the  independent  pronouns.  The  subjective  and 
objective  elements  are  always  suffixed,  and  differ  entirely  both 
from  the  possessive  and  independent  forms  and  from  each  other. 
The  objective  element  precedes  the  subjective,  thus  standing 
nearer  the  stem  of  the  verb. 

Subjective  Objective  Possessive  Independent 


1. 

11         ATT 

,  -u,  -ow 

rn-    VI  -56 

^  j  J 

yil 

2. 

-it" 

-as 

ku- 

kil 

3. 

-iL 

-a 

(hu-)  e'l 



1. 

-itak-" 

,  -u,  -ow 

(hu-)  ik 

hinar,  winar 

2. 

-itawa" 

-aswa,  -wa 

kiluwa  ku- 

kiluwa 

3. 

-iL 

-a 

(hu-)  e'l 



r,6  yi-  only  before  terms  of  relationship. 
"  -at,  -atak,  -atawa  are  also  found. 


392        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

The  independent  pronouns  of  the  first  and  second  person, 
yil  and  kil,  have  evidently  been  influenced  by  mutual  analogy. 
Comparison  with  the  possessive  prefixes  ru-  and  ku-  makes  it 
appear  that  1  or  r,  representing  n,  is  the  original  element  of  yil, 
and  k  of  kil.  In  this  case  the  pronominal  stems  would  agree 
with  those  of  Yurok,  where  nek  and  qel  are  I  and  you  but  the 
possessives  ne-  and  qe-  shown  n  and  q  to  be  fundamental. 

A  form  yil-il,  me,  has  been  found. 

There  is  no  independent  pronoun  of  the  third  person,  and  the 
possessive  is  indicated  by  the  suffix  -e'l. 

The  first  person  subjective  and  objective  is  often  indicated 
by  absence  of  suffix.58  An  -u  or  -ow  also  occurs.  The  second 
person  is  -it  or  -at,  subjective,  and  -as  objective.  The  third 
person  is  respectively  -iL  and  -a. 

The  plural  is  variously  formed.  In  the  third  person  it  does 
not  differ  from  the  singular.  The  second  person  uniformly  adds 
a  suffix  -wa;  thus,  kil-u-wa,  independent;  kil-u-wa  ku-,  posses- 
sive; -it-a-wa  or  -at-a-wa,  subjective;  -as-wa,  sometimes  merely 
-wa,  objective.  The  independent  form  of  the  first  person  is  hinar 
or  winar.  The  possessive  is  a  suffix  -ik,  which  reappears  in  the 
subjective  -itak  or  -atak,  of  which  the  first  element  resembles  the 
second  person  -it-.  The  plural  of  the  first  person  objective  is  the 
same  as  the  singular. 

Neither  the  subjective,  objective,  nor  possessive  series  possess 
any  common  elements  which  may  be  interpreted  as  indicative  of 
these  relations.  It  is  probably  analogizing  that  has  led  subjective 
-it  and  -iL,  objective  -as  and  -a,  and  possessive  ru-  and  ku-  to 
share  respectively  the  vowels  i,  a,  and  u. 

kilwa-ya  wul-al-itwa,  were  you  (pi.)  walking? 

gul-ag' -it-ya,  are  you  going  back? 

hi-gelaw-a,  I  beat  him 

cu  waL-itak,  let  us  eat! 

do-pL-iL,  he  is  eating 

hi-wel-a,  I  saw  him 

hi-wel-aswa,  I  saw  you  (pi.) 

hinar  hi-wel-u-L,  he  saw  us 

hi-wel-as-iL,  he  saw  you 

Le  hi-wel-uw-ituwa,  you  (pi.)  have  seen  me 


58  In  Mohave  the  first  person  is  also  denoted  by  absence  of  pronominal 
affixes. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  393 

bokin-ow-it,  you  hit  me 
wu-bokin-as,  I  will  hit  you 
wi-kanap-is,  I  will  bite  you 
wi-t-as,  I  will  feed  you 
garewack-iL,  he  is  bad 
winar  wa-kale-waL-u,  we  will  not  eat 
LC  hi-kanap-a-it,  did  you  bite  it? 

The  suffix  -a-,  him,  plus  -it,  you,  seems  to  be  usually  con- 
tracted to  -et :  hi-wel-et,  you  saw  him. 

A  suffix  -il  is  sometimes  found  before  subjective  suffixes  of  the 
first  and  second  person.    It  occurs  also  between  the  objective  of 
the  first  person  -ow  and  the  subjective  -iL  of  the  third  person. 
raL-el-at,  you  are  large 
hi-wel-ow-il-iL,  he  saw  me 
makL-erakw-il-atawa,  you  (pi.)  are  large 

The  first  person  possessive  shows  an  exceptional  yi-  instead 
of  regular  ru-  before  certain  terms  of  relationship.  This  yi- 
appears  to  be  an  abbreviation  of  the  independent  pronoun  yil. 
It  will  be  recalled  that  Porno  and  Yuki  have  been  found  to  use 
a  separate  class  of  possessives  with  terms  of  relationship. 

In  the  case  of  body-parts,  there  are  also  certain  peculiar- 
ities. Many  such  words  begin  with  an  m  or  w,  which  seems  to 
be  a  pronominal  element  denoting  indefiniteness  of  possessive 
reference.  In  some  of  these  terms  the  first  and  second  persons 
are  expressed  by  the  addition  of  the  prefixes  ru-  and  ku-  before 
the  m  or  w.  Such  are  weliL,  foot,  we's,  hand,  wee,  vagina, 
magoks,  brain.  In  other  terms  initial  m-  disappears  before  r-  and 
k-  of  the  first  and  second  persons:  m-a'n,  pubic  hair,  r-a'n; 
m-elak,  testicle,  k-elak;  m-elir,  eyes,  k-elir,  w-elin-e'l. 

Other  body-part  terms  show  an  initial  element  wat- :  wat-hel, 
tail,  wat-hewet,  head,  wat-wi,  heart,  ra-wat-kai,  skin,  wat-kerat, 
bone,  wat-melok,  ear.  This  element  is  also  retained  with  the 
personal  prefixes:  ra- wat-kerat,  my  bones,  hu-wat-kerat-i '1,  his 
bones. 

Still  other  words  denoting  parts  of  the  body  show  neither 
initial  m-  nor  wat- :  sakwer,  lungs,  dgat,  penis,  baaL,  hair. 

A  few  words  show  unexpected  forms :  m-etere,  nose  in  general, 
detere,  my  nose,  kil  detere,  your  nose,  detere- '1,  his  nose;  kawik, 
wat-kawik,  blood,  r-atkawik,  k-atkawik,  my,  your  blood;  haluwi, 
boat,  ru-d-aluwi,  ku-d-aluwi,  my,  your  boat. 


394        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


DEMONSTRATIVES. 

Demonstratives  are  gic,  this,  and  guru,  gur,  or  gu,  that.  As 
in  Yuki,  the  term  for  that  has  also  some  use  as  a  demonstrative 
of  reference,  without  idea  of  distance.  Gic  is  used  only  to 
express  specific  proximity.  When  attributive  the  demonstratives 
are  proclitic  to  the  noun.  A  third  form,  gwilel,  occurs  with  the 
meaning  of  he. 

gun,  he,  she 

gic,  this  one 

gu-tem-iL,  the  one  sitting  there 

gu-dalew-iL,  that  one  standing  there 

guru  waiyits,  that  dog 

guru  gudatri-gakwiL,  that  above-old-man 

gic-garewackiL,  this  bad  one 

gwilel  hu-waiyits-e  '1,  her  dog 

gwilel  kanap-el-iL,  he  was  biting 

Tciwa  means  thus,  so,  that,  he  who.  A  related  form  tcigon 
or  tcigur,  him,  them,  that,  appears  to  be  objective.  There  always 
appears  to  be  implication  of  previous  reference. 

tciwi  anel-iL,  that  is  what  he  said 

tciwi  dalow-iL,  she  lives  there 

kil-ia  tciwira  ha-tsitsir-iL,  you-was-it  who  sneezed? 

tciwa  daretw,  I  think  so 

yil-il  tciwa-hakil,  to  me  he  did  it 

tciwa-wiL  delaker,  always  did  thus 

kiluwa-ya  dicgaam-et  tcigon,  do-you  (pi.)  like  him! 

tcigur  hi-wel-a,  them  I-saw 

Interrogatives  are  ciwa,  duwa  or  dawa,  and  kwaLwa  or  WULC, 
meaning  what  and  where,  how  and  why.  The  ending  -wa  of  these 
interrogatives  occurs  also  in  the  demonstrative  tciwa;  the  stems 
are  therefore  probably  ci,  da,  and  kwaL  or  WUL. 

ciwa,  what? 

duwa,  what? 

duwa  kil  ka-wol,  where  is  your  house? 

duwa  wulal-iL  motwiL,  where  went  the  woman? 

duwa  dekLelaliL,  where  is  the  chief? 

ciwa  kac-welan  ka-wol,  how  small  is  your  house? 

kwaLwa  riewom-ot-ogam,  with  what  did  you  kill  him? 

kwaLwa  wuLe  miL  kale-waL-e,  why  do  you  not  eat? 

"Another"  is  hikeLe'l,  or  diwile,  somebody.  HikeL-e'l  per- 
haps bears  the  possessive  suffix  of  the  third  person. 

All  is  daru,  preposed  to  the  verb.  More  frequently  however 
ru-  enters  as  a  prefix  into  the  verb-complex. 


1911]  Krocber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  395 

NOUN. 

The  Wiyot  noun  is  scarcely  affected  by  grammatical  con- 
siderations. It  is  not  reduplicated,  and  is  free  from  the  expres- 
sion of  number,  gender,  or  case,  excepting  only  one  general 
locative  suffix  -akw. 

p'let-wakw,  on  the  rock 

pak-akw,  on  the  ocean 

mes-akw,  in  the  fire 

halowi-wakw,  in  a  boat 

datheri  plet-wakw,  on  top  of  the  rock 

peL-wakw,  place  in  a  house  beside  the*  door 

wal-akw,  in  the  morning 

wiril-akw,  to-day 

VERB. 

Pronominal  elements  are  always  suffixed  to  the  verb.  On  the 
other  hand  temporal,  modal,  and  adverbial  relations  are  expressed 
by  prefixes.  Similarly  the  independent  adverb  precedes  the  stem. 
Adverbial  prefixes  generally  follow  temporal  ones.  The  scheme 
of  the  verb  is  thus:  prefix  of  tense,  prefix  of  manner,  stem, 
objective  pronominal  element,  subjective  pronominal  element. 

Prefixes  express  several  past  tenses,  a  future,  and  a  con- 
tinuative;  a  conditional,  a  subordinate  mode,  and  one  form  of 
imperative;  the  negative;  the  idea  of  all;  and  probably  several 
designations  of  motion.  Suffixes,  which  predominate  in  word- 
formation  and  in  indications  of  person,  are  less  important  in 
verb  structure.  Those  determined  express  a  causative,  an  impera- 
tive, an  instrumental,  and  a  reflexive.  Several  other  suffixes 
occur  on  intransitive  and  adjective  stems,  and  seem  to  serve  to 
render  these  respectively  predicative  or  attributive.  There 
appear  to  be  several  prefixes  of  motion  that  have  not  yet  been 
fully  determined;  but  in  general  there  is  little  specific  expres- 
sion, by  means  of  affixes  to  verbs,  of  kind  of  action,  location,  or 
instrumentality. 

PARTICLES. 

gitga  is  an  adverbial  particle  indicative  of  futurity  and  prob- 
ably of  intention.    It  usually  follows  the  verb. 
wa-keL-am  gitga,  I  will  look  for  him 
kanap  gitga,  I  will  bite 
rogal-ia  gitga  gul-ow-at,  soon  will  you  come  back! 


396        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

The  interrogative  is  an  enclitic  particle,  ia  or  ya,  always 
attached  to  the  first  word  of  the  sentence.59 

kil-ia  dicgam-at  guru  guwi,  you,  do  you  like  that  man? 

gur-ia  dekLelaliL,  is  he  a  chief? 

kuna-ya  hi-les-at,  yesterday  did  you  go  by  boat? 

dicgaw-it-ia,  do  you  like  me? 

yil-ya  bokin-ew-It,  me,  did  you  hit  me? 

kiluwa-ya  dicgam-et  tcigon,  ye  do  you  like  him? 

Le  1-it-waL-et-hia,  are  you  sleepy? 

co  or  cu  is  an  optative  particle,  always  at  the  head  of  the 
sentence. 

co  gaw-ak-o,  let  us  start 
cu  wala,  I  wish  I  had  it 
cu  wirate,  let  me  drink 
cu  gawitwadak,  let  us  go  to  sleep 

cu,  or  cuku-,  has  negative  optative  force  without  the  employ- 
ment of  the  usual  negative  prefix. 

giLa,  cuku-laliswu,  enough,  let  us  stop  singing! 

cu  pugakwiLini,  do  not  touch  it! 

cu  ratse-tsaw-inik,  kLet,  do  not  touch  it,  it  is  hot! 

cuku-kawi  giLa,  stop  working! 

cuku-rerir,  you  must  not  do  it  any  more! 

Le,  sometimes  heard  as  La,  expresses  the  completed  past.  It 
always  precedes  the  verb,  and  is  sometimes  heard  as  a  separate 
syllable,  sometimes  as  a  prefix.  It  is  therefore  probably  a  pro- 
clitic particle. 

La-wit,  I  have  slept 

ciwa  La-gira-gerak,  what  have  you  done? 

winar  Le-ru-ge-da-pL-o,  we  have  all  finished  eating 

Le  hi-kanap-et,  did  you  bite  it? 

La-gera-le-wel-as,  I  did  not  see  you 

Le-rewaLa,  it  is  day 

Le-kilowa  Le-waL-e,  have  ye  eaten? 

4 

PEEFIXES. 

hi-  is  the  prefix  of  ordinary  past  time. 
hi-ow-iL,  he  came 
hi-wel-as,  I  saw  you 
hi-esatal,  I  met 
hi-rakcem-iL,  she  pursued  him 
kuna  hi-les,  yesterday  I  went  by  boat 


69  In  Miwok  and  Ute-Chemehuevi  the  interrogative  is  -a  and  -ia,  and  is 
also  the  second  word  in  the  sentence.    Yuki  has  a  verbal  suffix  -ha. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  397 

na-  seems  also  to  denote  past  time. 
na-do-pL-et,  you  have  been  eating 
na-yu-wel-as,  I  saw  you 
na-Le-weratc,  I  have  drunk  already 

wi-,  wa-,  indicates  the  future, 
wi-kanap-is,  I  shall  bite  you 
wa-detigeliswiw-iL,  he  -will  swim 
wi-gera-dilegana,  1  shall  not  become  angry 
wi-letkalegal-iL,  he  will  fall 
kil-ia  wo-bel-at,  shall  you  fish? 

do-  is  a  continuative. 
do-bel-iL,  he  fished 
do-pL-a,  I  am  eating 
do-low-iL,  they  are  hanging 
daru  do-pL-iL,  they  are  all  eating 

to-  or  da-  occurs  often.     Its  significance  is  uncertain.     In 
many  cases  it  seems  to  be  frequentative,  iterative,  or  usitative. 
da-laLal-iL,  he  jumps  about 
da-lakwet  yil,  I  was  coughing 
da-digwidiwiri,  I  am  sitting 
hinar  da-ridipu,  we  live  together 
ta-hokawoweluL,  whenever  a  whale  stranded 
da-kul-ow-iL,  always  returned 
ta-weldelaker,  always  whipped  him 
da-kictawil-iL,  constantly  asked  for  food 
da-wuwokwiwi,  have  you  been  training  yourself! 

kul-  means  back,  again,  return.    It  is  placed  between  the  tense- 
prefix  and  the  verb  stem. 

hi-kul-ow-iL,  he  came  back 
kul-ag-iL,  went  again 
La-ka-kul-aker,  did  not  do  any  more 

dal-  is  of  undetermined  meaning.    It  occurs  in  several  verbs 
implying  repeated  motion. 

dal-an-iL,  dal-anew-iL,  buzz,  hum 
dal-adeler,  ring 
da-dal-ak-wer,  works 

hil-,  perhaps  1-,  is  undetermined. 
hil-ag-iL,  went 
hil-uluwu,  takes 

gawel-,  undetermined. 

gawel-alak,  I  will  move  away 
gawel-ag-iL,  they  went 
hi-gawel-uw-iL,  they  came 


398         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am,  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

let-  apparently  defines  motion  in  some  way. 
let-kaleg<  al-iL,  roll 
dak-let-athanagat,  boil  violently 
let-kalegal,  fall 

ru-,  occurring  also  in  the  independent  word  daru,  all,  has  the 
same  significance  when  a  prefix.  It  usually  refers  to  the  subject, 
but  also  to  the  object.  As  a  prefix  it  follows  the  tense  prefixes. 

winar  Le-ru-ge-da-pL-6,  we  are  all  done  eating 
hinar  ru-raL-el,  we  are  all  large 
ru-rat-er  gowil,  all  the  people  are  large 
ru-ga-pL-u,  will  eat 
wi-ru-bokina-wa,  I  will  eat  you  all 

gawe-  is  inchoative. 

gawe-rowetger-iL,  it  is  becoming  dry 
gawu-betser,  it  is  becoming  dry 
gawe-rewaLar,  it  begins  to  be  day 

gera-,  g'ra-,  ga-,  or  ka-  makes  the  negative.  It  also  follows 
the  tense-prefixes. 

gera-lit-waLa,  I  am  not  sleepy 
g 'ra-la-waL-i,  I  do  not  want  to  eat 
gwa-gets-Lak,  it  is  not  cold 

g 'ra-dicga-gem  yulewe-tsk,  I  do  not  like  the  white  ones 
wi-gera-dilegana,  will  not  be  angry 
La-gera-le-wel-as,  I  did  not  see  you 
gera-lu-de-dicga-ge,  I  do  not  like  him 
ka-dicgaw-ir-ia  miL  yil,  don't  you  like  me? 
wi-gera-t-as-a,  I  cannot  feed  you 

ka-,  prefix,  combined  with  -ii,ya,  suffix,  forms  an  occasional 
imperative. 

ka-wa-detigeliswiw-iLya,  swim! 
ka-Lal-iLya,  jump! 
ka-lakwet-ere-iLya,  cough! 

ka-,  neither  negative  nor  imperative,  is  a  frequent  prefix  of 
entirely  undetermined  force.  It  does  not  seem  to  be  temporal. 

ya-,  yaya-  makes  the  protasis  of  conditional  sentences. 

ya-kau-kanap-il,  if  you  do  not  bite  me 
yaya-kwa-dawikw-il,  if  you  do  not  visit  me 

The  demonstrative  gu,  and  probably  kic  also,  are  used  as 
prefixes  to  a  verb  that  is  subordinated  to  another, 
yu-wel-as  gu-bokin-ew-it,  I  saw  you  hitting  me 
La-gera-le-wel-as  kic-1-ow-et,  I  did  not  see  you  coming 
gu-dalew-iL  wi-bokin-awa,  him  standing  there  I  will  strike 
g  'ra-wilrekwa-wi  gu-kanap-it,  I  feel  sorry  that  you  hit  me 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  399 

The  imperative  does  not  seem  to  be  regularly  formed.  Some 
verbs  show  the  ka — iLya  mentioned,  a  few  -i,  a  few  -ig'  or  -ag' , 
and  others  the  stem,  as  kanap,  bite! 

ka-le-waL-i,  eat! 
gul-ag'-ig',  go  home! 
swala-g' -ag' ,  shoot! 
waL-ag',  eat! 

SUFFIXES. 

-dtho  seems  to  be  causative. 

hi-da-tem-atho,  made  him  sit 
tem-athu,  made  them  sit 

du-tem-atho,  name  of  the  isosceles  triangle  element  in  basket  pat- 
terns; the  Yurok  is  wereq  'en,  sitting. 

-wi,  -wiwi  is  reflexive.  A  more  or  less  pronominal  character 
may  be  the  cause  of  its  final  position. 

iwowok-wiw-iL,  trained  himself 
dicgaw-iw-iL,  he  likes  himself 
kil-ia  wi-dukL-wiwi,  did  you  look  at  yourself? 
dawiL-wiw-iL,  looking-glass 

What  is  probably  the  same  suffix  occurs  normally  on  a  number 
of  verb  stems.  On  some  of  these  its  force  is  clear,  on  others  less 
intelligible. 

hie-wi,  eat  (transitive) 
gos-wiwi,  swim 
de-tigelis-wiw,  swim 
weta-wi,  satisfied 
rakwa-wi,  pity 
tawik-wi,  visit 
gidid-iw,  digwidi-wi,  sit 
dale-wi,  dano-wi,  stand 

-ut  denotes  that  the  action  of  the  verb  is  performed  with  an 
instrument.  It  is  added  to  the  verb,  but  has  the  force  of  an 
instrumental  case  on  the  noun  denoting  the  instrument. 

hi-swale-wut  cwat,  I  shot  him  with  a  bow 

kwaLwa  riewom-ot-agem,  with  what  did  you  kill  himf 

dagakciL  riewom-ot,  a  gun  I  killed  him  with 

bumipel  da-haka-wut  hi-niewu,  a  knife  with  I  killed  him 

~er,  -erer  occurs  frequently  on  numerals,  adjectives,  intransi- 
tive verbs,  transitive  verbs  without  an  object,  and  nouns.  It 
appears  to  have  something  of  the  force  of  a  verb  substantive. 


400  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  9 

guts-er,  rit-er,  rikw-er,  one,  two,  three 

ra't-er,  he  is  large,  they  are  large 

detel-er,  stab 

gawu-bets-er,  it  is  becoming  dry 

kacam-er,  small 

Lelewit-er,  round 

botcgawin-er,  scratched 

ka-wiluw-er,  is  hollow 

gatslag-erer,  end 

wits-kar-erer,  coyote 

-erakw,  -rakw,  -nakw  has  similar  force. 
makL-erakw-iL,  he  is  small 

gots-herakw  gu-tigeriL,  he  is  a  good-looking  young  man 
ru-magoks  gots-herakw,  my  brain  is  good 
guts-erakw-iL,  good 
ga-bitc-irakw-iL,  he  is  bad 
guts-hi-nakw,  is  good 
guts-ka-nakw,  is  not  right 

-pt  has  been  found  on  color  adjectives,  apparently  when  they 
are  attributive. 

hi-yu-wel-a  yulewa-pti  holakw',  I  saw  a  white  deer 

siswa-pt  waiyits,  black  dog 

holakw'  riewom  siswa-pt-ile,  deer  I  killed  a  black  one 

-tk,  or  tsk,  seems  to  make  adjectives  predicative  or  substantive, 
herowedi-tk,  the  moon  is  shining 
kike-tk,  kike-tsk,  red 
mes-iare-tk,  mes-iare-tsk,  red 
p  'letk  bele-tk,  rock  is  flat 
hiwana-tk,  square 
yuwetke-tk,  five-cornered 
siswa-tk,  small  black  seeds 
dicgaame  yulewe-tsk,  I  like  the  white  ones 

-u,  of  uncertain  force,  also  occurs  on  adjectives, 
siswa-u,  black 

ra'L-a-u,  long,  high  (ra't,  ra'L,  large) 
kacew-a-u,  short  (kacam-er,  small) 

-nim,  meaning  unknown. 

tawakwiLi-nim-iL,  pushed  him 
hi-tiekwa-nim-iL,  broke  him 

-ikwal,  unknown. 

da-tem-ikwal,  sat  down 
gul-ag' -ekwal,  went  home 
akome-tal-ikwal,  go  back 
ha-maL-ekwel  gitga,  we  shall  eat 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  401 

ADJECTIVES. 

Stems  translatable  by  English  adjectives  offer  more  com- 
plexity than  is  usual  in  Californian  languages.  They  appear  quite 
regularly  with  suffixes,  among  which  have  been  mentioned  -er, 
-erer,  -erakw,  -rakw,  -nakw,  verbifying  or  equivalent  to  the  verb 
substantive,  -tk  and  -tsk,  predicative  or  substantive,  -pt  attribu- 
tive, and  -u.  There  are  also  a  number  of  derivative  suffixes, 
chiefly  found  on  adjectives  of  color  and  appearance,  such  as  -iar, 
-Lak,  gaLet.  There  are  other  complications.  Thus  the  stem  ra't, 
large,  appears  under  the  following  forms :  ra  't-er,  or  ra  't-ekw-iL, 
he  is  large,  it  is  large,  they  are  large;  ra'L-el,  ra'L-el-at,  I  am 
large,  you  are  large;  p'letk  ra't-etk,  large  rock;  ra't-eter,  large 
(redwood  tree)  ;  ra'tse,  largely,  much,  very;  ra'iau,  long; 
ra'iaw-iL,  it  is  long;  ra'i/e-,  much,  on  verbs.  Adjective  stems  are 
not  usually  reduplicated,  as  is  often  the  case  in  Porno,  Miwok, 
and  other  Californian  and  American  languages. 

NUMERALS. 

As  already  stated,  the  numerals  from  five  to  ten  and  from 
twenty  to  forty  bear  the  suffix  -helel  or  -welel.  On  fifty,  sixty, 
seventy,  eighty,  and  ninety,  the  suffix  is  repeated.  The  numerals 
from  one  to  four  usually  end  in  -er,  whether  used  in  non- 
syntactical  counting  or  qualifying  animate  or  inanimate  nouns. 
One  occurrence  without  this  suffix  is  of  go't,  ritwe,  rikwo,  one, 
two,  three,  denoting  persons,  instead  of  the  usual  go'ts-er  or 
gu'tser,  rit-er  or  ritw-er,  rik-er  or  rikw-er.  When  years  are 
referred  to,  the  numerals  have  a  suffix  -eu  or  -ayu;  for  days,  -dk 
or  -wdk  -.  gu  'ts-ayu,  ritw-eu ;  rikw-eu,  ramak,  we  's-agele-wak. 
These  suffixes  are  of  significance  as  evidence  of  the  existence  of 
numeral  classifiers,  such  as  are  abundant  in  Yurok. 

ORDER  OF  WORDS. 

The  order  of  words  as  regards  noun  and  verb  is  not  fixed. 
Both  subject  and  object  at  times  precede  and  at  times  follow  the 
verb.  Adverbs,  interrogatives,  and  pronouns  precede  the  verb 
and  usually  open  the  sentence.  The  interrogative  particle  ia  is 
always  attached  to  the  initial  word. 


402        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

ALPHABETICAL  LIST  OF  AFFIXES. 

PEEFIXES. 

cu-,  on  verbs,  prohibitive,  negative  optative 

euku-,  see  cu- 

cur-,  west,  across  ocean 

da-,  see  ta- 

dal-,  on  verbs,  undetermined 

dat-,  up,  above 

do-,  continuative 

ga-,  see  gera- 

gawe-,  on  verbs,  inchoative 

gawel-,  on  verbs,  undetermined 

gera-,  on  verbs,  negative 

g'ra,  see  gera- 

gul-,  see  kul- 

gu-,  that,  the,  demonstrative;  on  verbs,  subordinating 

hi-,  on  verbs,  past 

hi!-,  on  verbs,  undetermined 

hu-,  sometimes  accompanies  the  possessive  suffixes  of  the  first  person 

plural  or  third  person  singular  and  plural 
ka-,  see  gera- 

ka-,  on  verbs,  undetermined 
ka-,  with  suffix  -iLya,  on  verbs,  imperative 
ku-,  possessive  of  second  person 
kul-,  on  verbs,  back,  again 
let-,  on  verbs,  undetermined 
La-,  see  Le- 

Le-,  particle,  with  verbs,  completed  action 
m-,  indefinite  possession,  on  words  denoting  body  parts 
na-,  on  verbs,  past 
rak-,  on  terms  of  direction 
ru-,  on  verbs,  all 

ru-,  possessive  of  first  person  singular 
ta-,  on  verbs,  perhaps  usitative  or  iterative 
tinie-,  east 
tcatc-,  south 
wa-,  see  wi- 

wat-,  etymological,  on  some  body-terms 
wi-,  on  verbs,  future 
wici-,  east,  inland 
wik-,  on  terms  of  direction 
wur-,  north 
ya-,  on  verbs,  if 
yaya-,  see  ya- 
yi-,  possessive  of  first  person  singular  on  terms  of  relationship 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  403 


SUFFIXES. 

-a,  on  verbs,  third  person  objective 

-ag<,  see  -ig< 

-ak,  on  numerals,  denotes  days 

-akw,  on  nouns,  general  locative 

-as,  on  verbs,  second  person  singular  objective 

-aswa,  on  verbs,  second  person  plural  objective 

-at,  see  -it 

-atak,  see  -itak 

-atawa,  see  -itawa 

-atho,  on  verbs,  causative 

-ate,  diminutive 

-ayu,  see  -eu 

-e'l,  possessive  of  third  person 

-er,  probably  equivalent  to  verb  substantive 

-erakw,  see  -er 

-erer,  see  -er 

-eu,  on  numerals,  denotes  years 

-gaLet,  derivative,  on  terms  of  appearance 

-hats,  see  -ate 

-helel,  see  -welel 

-i,  on  verbs,  imperative 

-ia,  enclitic  particle,  interrogative 

-iar,  derivative  on  terms  of  color 

-ik,  possessive  of  first  person  plural 

-ikwal,  on  verbs,  undetermined 

-il,  before  subjective  suffixes  of  first  and  second  person 

-il,  on  independent  pronoun  of  first  person,  perhaps  objective 

-it,  on  verbs,  third  person  subjective;  also  agent,  and  noun  formative 

-iLya,  with  prefix  ka-,  imperative 

-ir,  derivative  noun-ending 

-is,  see  -as 

-it,  on  verbs,  second  person  singular  subjective 

-itak,  on  verbs,  first  person  plural  subjective 

-itawa,  on  verbs,  second  person  plural  subjective 

•k,  derivative  noun-ending 

-lak,  derivative,  denoting  language 

-Lak,  derivative  on  terms  of  color 

-nakw,  see  -er 

-nim,  on  verbs,  undetermined 

-ow,  on  verbs,   first   person   singular  subjective,   singular  and   plural 

objective 

-pt,  on  adjective  stems,  perhaps  attributive 
-rakw,  see  -er 

-s,  derivative  noun-ending 
-t,  derivative  noun-ending 

-tk,  on  adjective  stems,  perhaps  predicative  or  substantive 
-tsk,  see  -tk 


404        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

-u,  see  -ow 

-u,  on  adjective  stems,  undetermined 

-ut,  on  verbs,  instrumental 

-wa,  ending  of  demonstratives  and  interrogatives 

-wa,  denotes  the  plural  on  suffixes  of  the  second  person;  also  itself  used 

for  -aswa 
-wak,  see  -ak 
-wakw,  see  -akw 
-wats,  see  -ate 

-welel,  on  numerals  from  five  up 
-wi,  on  verbs,  reflexive  and  medial 
-wil,  derivative  noun-ending 
-wiwi,  see  -wi 
-ya,  see  -ia 


TEXTS. 


CROW. 


gatsir 

Crow 

hi-wu'1-ag'  -!L 

he  went  to. 

dol-61-o'w-iL 

he  took 

kerawaga'tkari 

Porpoises 

diwe-ru'lakame 

"What  did  you  do  with 

daTsw-daru'dakw 

they  are  with." 

gul-u'w-iL      tsek 

came  back  a  child. 

gu-ra'tcetck 

that  boy. 


wule-ba'iakriL 

relative-in-law 

curi-la'kau 

(Across)ocean 


curi-la'kau 

(across.)  ocean 

hi-le's-iL 

he  went  by  boat. 


ri'kar          woperaga'tck  'c-iL 

two.  He  put  them 

wuperaga'tskc-iL 

he  put. 


tsek 

the  children?" 

gatsir 

Crow 

gatsiri 

Crow 

gwa'tc-el 

His  mother 


dewu-tem-a'Lel  '  hi-la'g-iL 

he  put."  Hetold(?) 

hi-wo'kura-Le'kanem-iL  gatsiri 

She  caught  him.  Crow 


wule-ba'iakriL 

relative-in-law 

tsa'ki 

Children 

p  'le't-wakw 

on  the  rocks. 

hi-kol-6'w-iL 

He  came  back. 

go'tsker-e  '1 

Their  grandmother 

gu-ku'nan 

That  night 

da'wim-iL 

asked 

p  'let-wak 

on  the  rocks- 

dil  hi-ra'kce'm-iL 

Eagle.  She  pursued  him. 

hi-kol-6'twui  dil 

she  brought  back.  Eagle 


katsir-ie'1-iL 

Crow       said: 

dil           wi'wa-1 

eagle  his  wife  (?) 

godam-i'L        di'le 

ran  off.  Eagle 

ya'gitemo't-iL        yil-il 

he  told:  "Me 


d  'ane'r-iL 

did  it. 

mesi-da'lidaks 

she  put 


mes-akw 

In  the  fire 

mes-a'kwi 

in  the  fire. 


hi-da-tem-a'tho 

she  put  him. 

hi-ka'-tawa'l-iL 

He  died. 


da't-kasiL 

The  top  of  his  head 


1911] 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


405 


PELICAN. 


do-be'1-iL 

fished 

tcawera'tci 

Pelican 


tcawera'tciL 

Pelican 

du'-bel-iL 

fished. 

dakanewo'wi 

he  stole 

hi-6'w-iL 

came. 

wa-keLa'm 

"  I  will  look  for  him 

yitawa'ne 

"  Why  do  you  do  it  ?     Do  it  no  more!" 


dagl'weg'  i 

with  dip-net. 

kawu'kamer-iL 

stole. 


dlwi'l 

Others 

dlwi'le 

The  others' 

di'le 

Eagle 


ina'g'-iL 


ina'g'-iL 

He  thought: 

iy-u'w-iL 

came 


SO 


dil  hi-La'k-iL 

Eagle  went  to  him. 

yo'ckan         da-g'  a'tge  'negeL 

he  tore,  he  tore  him  to  pieces. 

so  ka'-pel-iL 

Fished 

gu'ts-hi'nakw 

He  was  good. 

hi-kawe't-6 

He  gave  them  food. 

guts-hi'nakw 

He  was  good. 


gu'ts-ayuta'yeg'  er-ak  w  so 

for  one  year. 

guts-ka'-nakw 

He  thought:  '' It  is  not  good." 

gl'tka  da'kiyiwoi  dil ' 

I  will,  fishing  with  a  dip-net."         Eagle 

cuku-re'rir  tcawera'tci  hanew ' 

to  Pelican  he  told. 

tcawera'tci-ika'n  hi-t'ki'n 

Pelican  he  seized.  He  pulled, 

takwlya'kw  'ter         hi-nl'ewa-k 

He  made  fire.  He  killed  him. 

di'wilA  hi-ka-kuweye'1-iL 

the  others,  were  not  afraid  any  longer. 

hama'-pe'l-i  dile  rawera'miL 

Fished  Eagle's  relatives. 

ga'-pel-iL  tcaweratci  ka-guwa'  '-pe'l-iL 

They  fished.  Pelican  no  longer  fished. 


SKUNK. 


bo'tcwi 

Skunk 

piLwa'tkotii 

Flies 

ra'  'ter 

large. 

reg'  i'L 

anus  (?) 

hi'-lew-iL 

danced, 

bo'tcwi 

Skunk. 


tcewa'-rakw 

thus  did, 

wa-we'tom-iL 

went  to  get 


dara'kw 

sick 

mi'l-iL         tciwa 

medicine-man  that 


bo'tcwi          da'herakw          sak-sa'kw-iL 

Skunk  was  sick,  sick. 

o-si'lakw-e  '1  tcewa'-dakw-reg'  -iL 

his-pain  there  was  in. 

dakdi'skew-iL  kana'  'p-iL 

went  to  the  other  side  of  him,  bit  (sucked).       Wished  to  kill  him 

hi-nieyaw-er  me'  'lakw          hi-ewi'wela'kw-iL 

He  killed  Elk.  Rubbed  their  hands  in  joy 


sak-sa'kw-iL 

sick. 

me'  'lakw 

Elk 

bo'tcwi 

Skunk 

me'  'lakw 

Elk 

bo't-iL 


406        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


piLwa'tkotii 

Flies. 

ha-ma/L-ekwel 

"  We  eat 

gitka 

shall 

me'  'lakw 

Elk, 

hi-mi'w-akwel 

wi-ri'ewaw-er 

me'  'lakw 

bo'tcwi 

eat 

the  killed 

Elk." 

Skunk 

rer-I'L        bo'tcwi        kuwe'notw-iL 

did  it.                Skunk                      was  well. 

piLwa'tkotii 

Flies 

wita'  V-IL 

rejoiced. 

hi-ka'waw-iL 

They  cut  it  up 

bu'mi  'pel 

with  a  knife, 

piLwa'tkotii 

Flies, 

bo'tcwi 

Skunk. 

yi'-waL-iL 

They  ate. 

hi-ku'1-ag'  -!L 

They  went  home. 

VOCABULARY. 

No  Wiyot  vocabulary  has  been  published  since  the  three 
printed  or  reprinted  in  Powers,60  which  suffer  from  faulty  ortho- 
graphy and  imperfect  acquaintance  with  the  language.  As  no 
other  studies  of  Wiyot  have  since  that  time  been  undertaken, 
the  author's  material  is  here  given,  in  spite  of  its  no  doubt  fre- 
quent inaccuracies,  in  order  to  render  available  for  comparative 
purposes,  at  least  until  some  more  thorough  study  of  the 
language  shall  have  been  made,  a  more  extended  body  of  words 
than  are  now  accessible. 


NOUNS. 


Persons  : 

kowil,  guwil,  personal 
kowi,  guwi,  man 
motwiL,  kakerawiwiL, 

kawotc,  woman«2 
gakwiL,  old  man«3 
ceruki,  old  woman 
tigeriL,  young  man,  bachelor 
tserariL,  young  woman, 
ratcetck,  boy 
watcer,  girl 
ts£k,  tcik,  tsak,  child 
hetca,  baby 


wise-pelei,  married  man 
wisiL,  married  woman 
gwatw,  widower,  widow 
wakawe,  divorced,  separated 

woman 

dekLelaliL,  chief 
miliL,  danelatwiL,  medicine 

man 
cokwirak,  cirawakw,  ghost, 

dead  ancestor®* 
dikwa,    tikwa,    white    man, 

poison,  spirit 
keldmiL,  weramiL,  relative 


eo  Tribes  of  California,  Contrib.  N.  Am.  Ethn.,  Ill,  478,  1877,  Appendix, 
Linguistics,  by  J.  W.  Powell. 
61  Cf.  diwile,  another. 

«2  Of.  motw,  woman 's  front  dress.    Kawotc  perhaps  means  wife. 
83  Probably  from  gakw,  to  know. 
«4  Cakw,  sick,  die. 


1911J 


Kroeber:   Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


407 


dar,  dan-,  father;  son 

gwatc,  mother 

reka,  daughter 

d&k,  darewerekere,  brother, 
sister 

bitcotcker,  grandfather 

gdtcker,  grandmother 

ag6Lek,  grandchild 

wetserakw,  son-in-law 

maiakriL,  relative  by  mar- 
riage 
Body-parts  : 

metere,  detere,  nose 

melir,  welin-,  eye65 

melul,  mouth 

niept,  teeth 

wat-melok,  ear 

mit,  tongue 

djipLiL,  beard 

mclokai..  throat 

wat-wet,  head 

baL,  paL,  hair 

we's,  hand 

mokec,  fingers 

we 'tapis,  thumb 

cor-eL,  index  finger 

tsewawiL,  little  finger 

metkan,  nail 

wo'r,  wo'n,  arm 

daletokeru,  elbow 

taLcokra,  shoulder 

weliL,  foot 

tckatc,  leg 

lawel,  knee 

mel,  body,  flesh 

meweriL,  flesh,  fat 

watswetsaa,  breast 

weser,  woman 's  breast,  milk 

dau,  tau,  belly 

doguganakw,  navel 

hodiLere,  umbilical  cord 

duwerec,  buttocks 

dgat,  penis 


melak,  testicles 
bee,  vagina 
cak,  clitoris 
hatageriL,  womb 
ma'n,  pubic  hair 
watw,  heart 
tcegeL,  liver 
heL,  intestines 
magoks,  brain 
sakwer,  lungs 
wat-kerat,  bone 
kawik,  wat-kawik,  blood 
wat-kai,  skin 
hapLakw,  sinew 
b6kaweriL,  tendon 
hil,  urine 
me'l,  excrement 
betsakw,  semen 
wetsaL,  saliva 
walept,  fur,  feathers 
wat-hel,  tail 
wat-6tk,  fin 
wat-iLat,  shell 
merar,  horn 
wat-udatkawi,  egg 
t.-i  i  k.-uini.  breath 
halokic,  -taldkic,  shadow 
tciwarin,  name 
silak,  pain 
Mammals  : 

me  'lakw,  elk«o 
haLakw,  h61akw,  deer«« 
ta  'wila,  buck 
but-caweti,  white  deer«7 
tsetsgeruLigerer,  bear 
makw,  kanapeliL,  grizzly 


rakwuLiriL,  wolf 
witskererar,  witkaL,  coyote'8 
waiyits,  waiyets,  dog 
halikwiliL,  fox 
sekseswiL,  otter 
dikwagawi,  fisher^ 


«s  Wei,  to  see. 

««  The  ending  -lakw  is  common  to  these  two  terms. 

•T  Cawet  is  white. 

««  Kanap-el-iL  is  biter. 

c»  Witskererar  is  wild  dog.    Cf.  wild  cat  below. 

TO  Dikwa  is  poison,  white  man. 


408        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


ra  'raweic,    tcweLig'  atcatci, 

raccoon 
gd'miri,  mink 
teigereLariL,  civet-cat 
botcwi,  butciwi,  skunk 
datgaeaniL,  datkaLaniL, 

panther 

datsgagererar,  wild-cat 
tsugatLaiugoner,  weasel 
wit 'hot,  gray  squirrel 
seles,  becduliL,  chipmunk 
Letc,  wood-rat 
tseretshigarer,  wood-mouse 
yacucagatck,  gopher 
weni-crenimiL,  mole71 
da'kere,  sea-otter 
gumayoliL,  sea-lion 
matswaptsire,  seal 
kerawagatkari,  porpoise 
delabeliL,  killer-whale72 
kimak,  dayugele,  whale 
Birds  : 

tsutskie,  bird 

di'l,  eagle 

cawetociL,  bald  eagle73 

cataoc,  condor 

butsera,  buzzard 

guletsol,  tcanitc,  gokwera, 

bletsul,  hawks 
gatsir,  crow 
ranatwuloiyokit,  raven 
tcakakeLhitcatc,  blackbird 
tcera,  Limayusele,  bluejay 
pltanatinu,  metsig'e,  robin7* 
tsigwatsharawi,  kingfisher 
tseweLiksi,  swan 
tcaiuwetcg,  goose 
katgeragiL,  cawetcoligiL, 

brant7  s 

tcatcitckiri,  mud-hen 
pane'r,  crane 
gugitcetck,  gull 
ma  'g'  es,  shag 
tcaweratei,  pelican 


Other  Animals: 

gatcu,  rattlesnake 
haretc,  garter-snake 
halunasi,  red  snake 
tcitcgiwetcg,  turtle 
matakwiL,  lizard 
kwakw,  frog 
maLak,  salmon 
go 'taw,  lamprey-eel 
hut,  surf -fish 
tcaptcuc,  halibut 
tcgerits,  flounder 
tau'gel,  rock  cod 
witiwlnuwi,  herring 
wi'welil,  gawui,  small  fish 
mo'er,  shark 
cagitsrer,  dogfish 
rit,  mekar,  gatewac, 

tsayunuwatcke,  clams 
wuletat,  razor  clam 
hiwaklegak,  cockle 
hiwat,  haliotis 
tsar,  mussels  in  bay 
witcac,  mussels  in  ocean 
bituwecanagiL,  salt  water 

snail 

butcatc,  land  snai!7« 
tcomack,  large  slug 
piLwatkoti,  fly 
gats,  bee 
bie,  mosquito 
tcirawaukw,  butterfly 
swalen,  dragon-fly 
tckLare,  grasshopper 
spina  'g<  aralu,  larva  of  locust 
dakLa'lin,  flea 
heikw,  louse 
botkanawiyuc,  spider 
giLeswaL,  spider-web 
yotu,  maggot 
kwekipLakarer,  centipede 
mireL,  angleworm 
Lwuregat'i,  crab 
gl'bas,  small  red  crab 


71  Wen,  sky,  which  according  to  myth  the  mole  supported. 

72  Bel,  to  catch  fish. 

73  Cawet,  white. 

7*  Cf.  mes,  fire,  red. 

75  From  maL,  waL,  pL,  eat.    MaLak  also  means  food. 

7®  -ate,  diminutive. 


1911] 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


409 


maLakeL,  sand-worm 

wutwuciL,  squid 

daegalwagigatckarer,   jelly- 
fish 

wuduyuwetk,  sea-urchin" 

tkayukis,  star-fish 

miplatk,  cuwatpiyag'  apkwi, 
holothurian  or  sea-anemone 
Plants: 

wanakw,    talewiL,    taleg'  iL, 
tree 

mati,  wood 

hawig'  erak,  grass,  herbs, 
medicine 

gutcweratc,    pletkapleiwun, 
leaves?8 

wetcatc,  buds*8 

dakw,  pitch 

mukweti,  pine 

dap,  dak, spruce 

mopel,  wopL,  redwood 

wit,  alder 

tigeL,  willow 

legoLes-weL,  hazel 

himene-weL,  Xerophyllum 
tenax  grasses 

tigwametsha-weL,    Wood- 
war dia  fernTB 

sdpitk,  tule 

we 'taw,  salmon-berry 

mip,  blackberry 

md'kel,  huckleberry 

mikwel,  salal-berry 

kiwatchokwere,  thimble- 
berry 

bdderuc,  Brodiaea  roots 

weL,  bldkat,  bokitchere, 
rapcaue,  edible  roots 

katsera,  soap-root 


mdt,  acorn 
ga'mak,  acorn-soup 
rakwiyidag'  eral,  wild  oats 
Ldkai,    ecerawen,    mokerits, 

raladethen,  edible  seeds 
Nature  : 

wen,  wirudala,  sky 
kek,  clear  sky 
gotso-wen,  day^o 
tarn,  gitcai-ailokwe,  sun 
ritsowel-ailokwe,  moon 
ritsowal,  night 
wene-welir,  gumeratck, 

daruitwl,  stars'i 
gutcetcguciL,  Pleiades«2 
wai'were'iL,  morning  star 
liptau,  cloud 
dalaLwala,  rainbow 
daliLak,  lightning 
dadakak,  delalater,  thunder 
tamutcikere  '1  LakuluwiL, 

sun-dog83 
hekw,  snow 
bd'ware,  rain 
ho'l,  weratci,  gutser-ol, 

waters* 

pak,  salt  water,  ocean 
waLa,  hot  water 
hiegawi,  cold  water 
ha'Lak,  steam 
laliL,  rariL,  stream,  river 
rariL-wats,  small  streamss 
betaw,  spring 
batwar,  freshet 
mes,  wes,  fire 
bi'wur,  smoke 
lag' erak,  16 'erak,  land 
patut,  earth,  soil 
tetwuka,  mud 


77  Said  to  mean  round. 

TS  -ate,    diminutive:     for    pletkapleiwun    cf.    p'letk,    rock,    bel,    flat, 
blaiatck,  wedge,  mi-platk,  holothurian. 

TO  -weL  may  refer  to  use  as  basket  material. 

so  One-sky,  or  good-sky  f 

si  Wene-welir,  sky-eyes;  gumeratek,  cf.  gomera,  soft,  weak. 

sz  Cf.  ratcetck,  boy;  the  Pleiades  are  thought  to  be  girls. 

8»  Sun  his  boy  holds. 

8*  Guts-er-ol,  good  water;  weratc,  drink. 

85  -ate,  diminutive. 


410  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  9 


letkak,  sand 

pLetk,  p'letk,  rock 

rakdat,  tanatgak,  ralitgat, 

mountains 
Objects : 

mol,  house 

kac-werar,  small  house87 

hikawa,  sweat-house 

mes-wululel,  fireplaceg8 

haldwi,  ha'luwi,  boat 

daL,  ship 

men,  paddle 

hutcwate,  cooking  basket 

hutcwatc-hatc,    small    cook- 
ing basket89 

gi,  woman's  basketry  cap 

rael,  bitweliL,  open-work 
basketry  plate 

bas,  large  flat  close-woven 
basket 

bac-ats,  same,  smallerss 

kaluwo,    conical     open-work 
carrying  basket 

kiwelauL,  basketry  dipper 

bitu,  basket  mortar 

dilul,  storage  basket  for 
acorns 

dali'Len,  small  storage  bas- 
ket with  cover 

hitwokwakerawiL,  flat  sift- 
ing basket 

cwat,  bow9° 

tsapi,  arrow 

kuluwu,  quiver 

bumi'pel,  knife 

meL,  ax 


blaiatck,  elkhorn  wedge91 

betgl,  stone  maul 

tul,  stone  pestle 

waLawinewok,  slender  stone 
pestle 

wetsecraweL,  metsecakerawiL, 
slab  mortar 

gamak-watkar,  cooking 
stone92 

gawelotgalewiL,  digging- 
stick 

watk,  tule  mat 

dewi'pen,  dewi'peliL,  string, 
twine 

matop,  netting  shuttle 

kas-weL,  mesh-measure93 

da-giweg'iL,  a  dip-net 

rathe-giweriL,  a  dip-net  for 
surf-fish9* 

teaweratc,  do'iw,  dip-net  for 
salmon  in  streams 

gut-wera,   dip-net   for   lam- 
prey-eels9^ 

gucager,  gill-net  for  herring 

cagatagere,  gill-net  for  sal- 
mon 

hephagwar,  gill-net  for  trout 

dalosun,  gill-net  for  sturgeon 

ha  'ker,   hakere,   woman 's 
back  dress 

motw,  rewunakwiL,  woman's 
front  dress9" 

rulen,  clothes97 

twanagit,  woven  blanket 

keswakt,,  steatite 

gwageretna,  black  obsidian 


86  Cf .  rak,  prefix  of  terms  of  direction,  dat,  up. 

87  Kac-,  small. 
ssMes,  fire. 

89  -ate,  diminutive, 
so  Cf .  swala,  shoot. 
»i  Cf .  bel,  wide,  flat. 
»2Ga'mak,  acorn-soup. 
»a  Perhaps  kac-,  small. 

94  Evidently  large-giweriL;  ra't,  large. 

95  Cf.  go  'taw,  lamprey-eel. 

96  Cf.  motw-iL,  woman. 

97  Cf.  rulen,  nulen,  undress. 


1911] 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


411 


tsagawila,  red  obsidian 
b6tcu-caweti,  white  flint98 
kral,  blue  rock 
reni,    dentalium    shell    cur- 
rency 
gutserakw,    small    dentalia 

used  as  beads 
kag,  shell  disk  beads 
itesi,    Lum,    small    univalve 

shells  used  as  beads 
dikwa-lenewiL,  glass  beads 
siswatk,  yew-seed  beads 
gutcicakwi,  pine-nut  beads 


VERBS. 


Human   Relations  and   Occupa- 
tions : 

tsew,  give 

tawik-wi,  visit 

gameratc,  play 

rulen,  -nulen,  undress 

wunakwa,  steal 

dabor,  lie 

himan,  mark,  write 

bel,  catch  fish 

niewom,  kill 

swa-la,  shoot 

t,  give  food 

l.-i  I  in.  receive  food 

kictawil,  beg 

da-wim,  ask 

anitw,  pay 

we 'la,  buy 

halewu,   olewu,   dolewu, 

danee101 
Mental  Action: 

inag',  think 

daretw,  twa,  think,  remem- 
ber 

gakw,  know 

dicgam,  like 

wet,  satisfied 

rag,  want,  desire 


wipac,  gatsepi,  gambling 

sticks 
d&pcer,  gambling  bones,  of 

Southern  type 
maLeL,  pipe 
kakwesiw,     medicine-man 's 

feather  head-dress 
wat-welat,     medicine-man 's 

swallowing  feather** 
dlkwa,  dikwa-g'eL,  poison 
Latsik,  myth 
waLel,  path,  road,  trail 
tceg'ak,  corner 
guts-ewan,-  one  fathomioo 


dilegana,  angry 

rakwa,  sorry,  pity 

wil,  fear 

kiLat,  hurt,  pain 
Senses : 

athera,  smell 

Lephai,  taste 

tsaw,  pugakw,  touch 

kwace,  hear 

wil,  wel,  see 

dukL,  look  at 

keL,  look  for,  seek 
Performed  with  Organs: 

hanew,     iel,     anel,     delani, 
atel,  say,  tell 

tsowes,  shout 

bawerats,  whisper 

lalisw,  sing 

waL,  maL,  pL,  eat 

hie-wi,  eat  somethingioz 

weratc,  drink 

beLokel,  spit 

kanap,  bite 

tsitsir,  sneeze 

da'kwa,  snore 

lakwet,  cough 

likw,  rikw,  cry,  weep 

gakwiLet,  sweat 


•s  Cawet,  white. 

»»  Cf .  wat-  on  body-part  terms. 

100  Cf.  guts-es-wani-helel,  one  hundred. 

101  Cf.  dale-wi,  stand. 

102  -wi  reflexive-medial  suffix. 


412        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


Bodily  Condition: 

datw,  alive 

cakw,  sick,  die 

tawal,  dakw,  dead,  die 

it,  wit,  nit,  sleep,  dream 

watap,  resemble 

kawi,  make 

aki,  do,  affect 
Bodily  Position  and  Motion: 

dikweL,  lie 

dale-wi,  dano-wi,  stand1"2 

tern,   gididwi,    digwidiwi, 


ak,  ag<,  a'l,  go,  move 
ow,  owi,  yowi,  ohwi,  come 
les,  travel  in  boat 
hiLak,  enter  water 
gos-wi,  tigelis-wi,  swimioz 
rakcem,  pursue 
gudam,  flee 
Lai,  jump 
atkag'an,  creep 
unas,  crawl 
takerawae,  kneel 
Bodily  Action: 

yock,  ack-ar,  tkin,  tear,  pull, 

rip 

ti'n,  wakw,  push 
tiar,  meet,  strike 


bokin,  da-kwicile,  hit,  strike 
da-tele,  stab 
da-kwage,  slap 
kiedal,  take,  pick 
otw,  bringios 
wolew,  get!°3 
kanew,  catches 
olowo,  uluwu,  catch,  holdios 
tawi,  wawi,  butcher 
cits,  flay 

Dynamic  and  Spatial: 
musaw,  gadawal,  stick 
pelal,  cawat,  tiekwa,  break, 

open,  cut 
pawal,  split 
dokap,  dokaw,  crack 
welu,  wilu,  hollow 
butc,  scratch 
lawil,  scrape 
kaleg'-al,  roll,  turn 
wayit,  bend 
cwik,  move 

low,  dakwes,  komal,  hang 
komat,  blow 
picar,  swell 
tweL,    twerie,    letka-,    fall, 

descend 
nole,  rise,  lift 
lip,  extinguish 


ADJECTIVES. 


ra  't,  ra  'L,  large,  long 
kac,  kacam,  small,  short 
guts,  good 
gare-wack,    ga-bite,    bad, 

rough,  strongio* 
leg,  heavy 
ca'p,  light 
badag'a,  hard 
gomera,  soft,  weak 
kLet,  hot 
gets,  cold 
bel,  flat,  wide 


io3  Perhaps  contain  suffix  or  stem  -ew. 
io*  Gera-,  ga-,  negative  prefix. 
105  From  mes,  fire. 


gatseLak,  sharp 
capo,  straight 
Le'pi,  rotten 
pitag',  bitter 
wukagiw,  rich 
cawanakw,  ga-gitgakw,  poor 
mes-iar,  kika,  red105 
cawet,  yulewa,  white 
siswa,  black 

dukaL,  dukapL,  blue,  green, 
yellow 


1911] 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


413 


ADVERBS. 


he,  yes 

kin.  no 

wai,  is  that  sof 

tawiL,  always 

swawi,  very,  extremely 

rogaL,  soon 

wigiL,  now 

wa,  far 

dat,  up 

tcwi,  behind 

wur,  north 


at,  tcate,  south 
cur,  west,  across  the  ocean 
wic,  tini,  east,  interior,  up- 
land 

dalil,  indoors 
geru,  gat'gaLil,  outdoors 
kuna,  yesterday 
gowai,  to-morrow 
wiril-akw,  to-day1"' 
wal-akw,  in  the  morning 
gau-kuna,  in  the  eveningioi 


kil,  you 

hinar,  winar,  we 

gic,  this 

gu,  guru,  that 


PRONOUNS. 


tci-wa,  that,  so,  thus 
ci-wa,  du-wa,  what,  where 
kwaL-wa,  WULO,  how,  why 
diwile,  hikeL-,  another 


NUMERAL    STEMS. 


go't-,  gu'ts-,  one 
rit-,  ritw-,  two 
rik-,  rikw-,  three 
riaw-,  ram-,  four 
we's-ag'-, 


dekLi-luk,  six 
halu,  seven 
hiowita,  eight  10o 
mece-rok,  nine11(> 
ru-lok,  ten 


io«  Perhaps  related  to  wen,  wiru-dala,  sky,  day. 

io7  Cf.  kuna,  yesterday. 

Jos  From  we's,  hand. 

io»  Perhaps  related  to  four. 

no  Cf.  -rok  of  mece-rok,  -lok  of  ru-lok,  and  -luk  of  dekLi-luk. 


414        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


YUROK. 

The  Yurok  inhabited  the  coast  from  the  mouth  of  Little  river 
to  Wilson  creek,  six  miles  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Klamath 
river;  and  the  Klamath  from  its  mouth  to  about  six  miles  above 
the  inflow  of  the  Trinity.  There  are  sometimes  said  to  have  been 
four  Yurok  dialects,  that  talked  along  the  Klamath  being 
numerically  the  most  important,  while  three  coast  dialects,  differ- 
ing in  increasing  degree  with  the  distance  from  the  river,  were 
spoken  in  the  vicinity  of  Gold  Bluff,  Orick,  and  Trinidad.  The 
coast  Yurok  have  suffered  great  diminution  of  numbers  and  are 
now  much  mixed  with  river  Yurok.  A  final  determination  of  the 
coast  dialects  has  therefore  not  been  made,  but  such  material  as 
is  available  seems  to  show  only  one  divergent  dialect  on  the 
coast  from  Stone  Lagoon  south  to  Trinidad,  and  this  not  very 
different  from  the  speech  along  the  river.  The  present  account 
is  based  on  the  river  dialect. 

The  Yurok  have  been  visited  and  investigated  by  the  author 
at  various  times  between  1900  and  1908.  A  considerable  body  of 
texts  has  been  recorded,  but  there  has  not  yet  been  opportunity 
to  elucidate  from  these  the  grammatical  principles  governing  the 
language.  The  account  here  given  therefore  consists  only  of 
such  grammatical  notes  as  were  made  incidentally  to  the  record- 
ing of  the  texts,  and  is  introduced  principally  to  enable  a  com- 
parison of  Yurok  with  Wiyot.  To  the  ear  the  two  languages  are 
more  similar  than  any  others  adjacent,  and  the  suggestion  was 
long  ago  made111  that  they  might  be  genetically  related.  The 
preparation  some  years  ago  of  a  comparative  paper  on  the  Native 
Languages  of  California,112  revealed  a  morphological  resemblance 
between  Yurok  and  Wiyot  in  most  of  the  points  then  considered. 
This  structural  similarity  is  extended  by  the  examination  made 
here,  and  is  undeniably  close. 

Whether  the  two  languages  are  related  is  however  another 
question.  A  running  acquaintance  with  both  reveals  but  few 


in  Latham,  Trans.  Philol.  Soe.  London,  1856,  84.     Opuscula,  343. 
112  E.  B.  Dixon  and  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Am.  Anthr.,  n.s.  V.,  1,  1903. 


1911]  Eroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  415 

words  that  are  similar.  Such  are  mes,  mets,  fire;  welir,  welin, 
eye;  go'ts-er,  qo't-  or  qo'ts-,  one.113  This  number  is  so  small  that 
unless  it  is  materially  increased  by  further  comparison,  the 
resemblances  must  be  regarded  as  due  either  to  accident  or  to 
borrowing.  A  systematic  comparison  cannot  be  made  until  both 
languages  are  farther  analyzed  and  the  stems  and  elements  of 
words,  which  in  most  cases  are  complex,  are  determined.  For 
instance  Wiyot  welir,  eye,  is  undoubtedly  connected  with  the 
stem  wel,  to  see;  but  in  Yurok  welin  fails  to  correspond  with 
ne'g'wo,  see;  so  that  borrowing  is  suggested  in  this  instance. 
That  two  languages  belong  to  the  same  morphological  type  or 
group,  does  not  by  any  means  prove  them  genetically  related  in 
America.  A  common  origin  can  be  asserted  only  on  the  basis  of 
lexical  correspondence.  Loose  unification  of  languages  that  may 
be  entirely  distinct,  based  only  on  general  or  partial  grammatical 
similarities,  is  unwarranted.  The  structural  resemblances  between 
Yurok  and  Wiyot  are  however  so  close  and  often  so  detailed,  as 
will  be  seen,  as  to  create  a  presumption  that  lexical  and  genetic 
relationship  may  ultimately  be  established ;  and  if  not,  to  make  it 
certain  that  morphological  interinfluences  between  the  two 
languages  have  greatly  modified  one  or  both. 

Yurok,  more  properly  yuruk,  is  a  Karok  word  meaning  down- 
stream. The  designation  Weitspekan  is  derived  from  we'tspekw, 
more  properly  we'tspuc,  now  Weitchpec,  one  of  the  numerous 
villages  of  the  Yurok.  The  Yurok  have  no  name  for  themselves 
other  than  OL,  people. 

PHONETICS. 

In  the  phonetic  determinations,  assistance  was  rendered  by 
Professor  P.  E.  Goddard  with  mechanical  experiments,  by  Mr. 
T.  T.  Waterman,  and  by  Dr.  E.  Sapir. 

Yurok  vowel  qualities  are  very  shifting  and  often  indeter- 
minate. There  seem  to  be  six  vowels,  all  of  peculiarly  broad  or 
open  quality. 

I  is  so  open  as  to  be  often  heard  as  e.  E  is  also  very  open, 
so  much  so  as  to  be  at  times  the  aural  equivalent  of  a  in  English 


us  It  is  tempting  also  to  compare  Wiyot  rit-,  two,  and  rik-,  three,  with 
Yurok  ni-  or  na-,  two  and  naxkc,  three,  as  initial  n-  becomes  r-  in  Wiyot. 


416        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

bad.  A,  often  written  a,  is  usually  between  the  two  sounds  as 
pronounced  in  father  and  bad  by  Americans,  but  may  be  heard 
as  either.  O  is  near  English  aw,  sometimes  with  even  more  of 
an  a  quality.  U  is  also  very  open.  Close  vowels  do  not  occur. 

The  sixth  vowel  is  a  vocalic  r,  here  represented  by  er.  In 
its  formation  the  tip  of  the  tongue  is  bent  upward;  the  tongue 
meets  the  palate  farther  back  than  in  English.  Like  the  related 
consonantal  r  of  the  language,  this  sound  is  not  trilled  and  pos- 
sesses the  peculiar  quality  of  English  r,  as  compared  with  the 
various  forms  of  continental  r,  in  an  exaggerated  degree. 

Unaccented  e  and  o  are  often  hard  to  distinguish  and  one  is 
frequently  replaced  by  the  other  in  Coast  Yurok  as  compared 
with  the  river  dialect.  E  is  often  followed  by  a  glide,  e1. 
Analogous  is  au,  in  rapid  speech  o. 

Glottal  stops  are  abundant.  In  many  stems  they  are  organic. 
In  addition  they  frequently  appear  after  vowels  which  close 
syllables,  whenever  such  syllables  are  stressed  or  articulation  is 
forcible.  In  rapid  continuous  speech  these  stops  disappear.  Thus 
tinica,  what  is  it,  may  often  be  heard  as  ti'ni'ca'  when  emphati- 
cally uttered.  An  organic  stop  gives  the  impression  of  dis- 
tinctly doubling  the  vowel  which  it  follows :  pa ',  water,  is  heard 
as  pa'a  or  pa 'a. 

A  complete  cessation  of  sound  formation  in  the  middle  of 
words  is  not  infrequent:  wec,ona,  world,  ololekwic,o 'I,  person, 
we!n,tsaukc,  woman.  It  seems  likely  that  such  pauses  mark 
etymological  divisions. 

There  are  two  series  of  stops,  both  surd,  the  ordinary  and  the 
fortis.  English  surd  and  sonant  stops  are  pronounced  alike  by 
the  Yurok.  The  ordinary  surd  stops  are  more  aspirated  when 
final  than  when  followed  by  a  vowel:  nepui,  but  almost  nep'. 
The  fortes,  or  stops  accompanied  by  glottal  stop,  are  of  only 
moderate  strength. 

K  and  q,  palatal  and  velar  k,  both  occur,  but  it  is  uncertain 
whether  they  represent  organically  different  sounds  or  are 
divergent  formations  of  the  same  sound  influenced  by  adjacent 
vowels.  In  any  case  k  is  most  frequently  audible  before  i  and  u, 
q  before  e,  a,  o.  Ku  or  qw  is  frequent,  and  is  felt  as  a  simple 
sound. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  417 

T  is  formed  against  the  lower  edge  of  the  teeth  and  sometimes 
is  clearly  interdental. 

There  is  one  s  sound,  written  c,  intermediate  between  s  and  sh, 
perhaps  nearer  the  latter.  In  ts,  which  is  the  equivalent  of  a 
simple  sound,  the  s  element  appears  to  be  more  pointed  than  in 
the  usual  c.  Yurok  g  is  always  a  continuant,  but  not  harsh.  X, 
the  surd  continuant  corresponding  to  g',  is  limited  to  combina- 
tions with  following  surds,  such  as  k,  p,  c,  and  has  not  been 
observed  initially  or  finally.  It  is  distinctly  harder  than  a  mere 
ordinary  aspiration,  h  or  ',  but  appears  to  be  only  a  parasitic 
development  before  certain  surds:  naxkceiL,  Woxpekumeu. 

There  are  three  1  sounds:  1,  I,  and  L.  The  first,  1,  is  sonant 
and  audibly  similar  to  English  1,  but  a  mechanical  analysis  by 
Dr.  Goddard  indicates  a  suddenness  of  approach  in  the  formation 
of  the  sound,  which  is  found  also  in  Hupa  I.114.  The  second,  I,  is 
a  not  very  common  surd  continuant  found  after  glottal  stops: 
qo  'Zqolatswin,  ohonecqwetso  7.  The  third,  L,  is  a  surd  affricative. 
In  some  instances  the  t-approach  is  weak,  and  the  sound  is  almost 
wholly  continuant.  Wiyot  L  was  also  often  heard  with  this 
quality. 

W  is  sometimes  produced  with  less  protrusion  or  rounding  of 
the  lips  than  English  w.  It  therefore  has  something  of  the 
quality  of  bilabial  v,  and  initial  unaccented  we  and  wo  are  often 
hard  to  distinguish  from  o  or  u. 

Surd  m,  n,  and  r  occur  finally  after  glottal  stops.118  Con- 
sonantal sonant  r  has  the  peculiar  quality  already  ascribed  to 
vocalic  er.  N,  m,  y,  and  h  require  no  comment. 

The  sounds  of  the  language  may  be  represented  as  follows : 

i,  e,  a,  o,  u,  er 

1,  e,  a,  6,  11,  er 

q      q'      U)      g'  qw 

k      k'  k" 

t      t'         c  n      n  ts    ts! 

p      p'  mm 

r,  r,  1,  I,  L 

w>  y» "»  (•  it 

pause  (,) 


«4  Present  series,  V,  9,  12,  1907. 
us  Compare  ibid.,  10. 


418         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

The  stress  accent  of  words  is  often  well  balanced  between 
several  syllables  and  often  marked  on  one  or  two.  Accent  is 
however  less  a  matter  of  intensity  or  loudness  of  sound,  than  a 
rise  in  pitch  and  a  holding  of  the  accented  syllable,  which  is 
manifested  in  lengthening  of  the  vowel  or  doubling  of  the  pre- 
ceding or  following  consonant.  Accent  is  however  not  deter- 
mined by  organic  length  of  vowels,  and  often  falls  on  syllables 
that  are  intrinsically  short.  The  dwelling  of  the  voice,  and  its 
rise  of  pitch,  on  the  accented  syllable,  give  a  peculiar  and  pleas- 
ing quality  to  Yurok  speech. 

Doubling  of  consonants  is  frequent,  but  whether  it  occurs 
only  in  connection  with  the  accent  or  also  organically,  is  not 
certain.  In  place  of  ww  and  11,  g'w  and  II  seem  to  occur. 

Initial  consonant  combinations  occur,  but  their  scope  is 
limited.  The  principal  observed  initially  are  tsp,  tsq,  kn,  kr,  pr, 
tm,  ck,  ct,  cr,  cl,  cm,  Lm,  Lq.  These  give  as  the  first  member 
of  initial  combinations  q,  k,  ts,  t,  p,  c,  and  L,  or  surds  only;  and 
as  the  second,  q,  k,  t,  p,  r,  1,  n,  m,  or  stops,  nasals,  and  r  and  1. 
Ts  and  qw  are  to  be  regarded  as  simple  sounds.  Final  combina- 
tions do  not  occur  except  with  c  as  second  member.  This  is 
found  most  frequently  after  k,  so  that  kc  may  represent  what  is 
to  the  Yurok  a  simple  sound  like  qw  and  ts.  The  imperative 
suffix  -c  is  however  added  to  stems  ending  in  p,  n,  r,  and  other 
consonants.  Endings  like  ern,  erm,  erL,  ert,  consist  of  the  single 
consonants  n,  m,  L,  t,  following  the  single  vowel  here  represented 
by  er.  Yurok  initial  combinations  are  more  numerous  than  those 
of  Wiyot,  but  Wiyot  possesses  more  that  are  final. 

Vocalic  assimilation  occurs  to  some  extent:  ne-craats,  my 
quiver,  wo-croots,  his  quiver;  yots,  boat,  ne-yots  or  ne-yets,  my 
boat;  erner-heL,  at  Erner,  wo-croots-OL,  in  his  quiver,  pa'a-iL, 
in  the  water,  okapol-iL,  in  the  brush.  Other  instances  will  be 
found  among  the  numerals  below.  There  is  a  particular  ten- 
dency for  er  to  assimilate  other  syllables  to  itself.  Most  words 
in  which  er  occurs  contain  it  in  from  two  to  four  or  in  all 
syllables:  qerxtsper',  neryerwert,  cermeryer.  When  one  vowel 
of  a  word  changes  to  er,  most  the  others  usually  become  er  also : 
lo'og'e,  ler'erg'er,  black. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  419 

STRUCTURE. 

Reduplication  is  less  marked  than  duplication :  qots-qots, 
worm;  tseix-tsei-uc,  mosquito,  compare  tseix-keni,  small; 
nius-mus,  cow;  we-tseq '-tseq '-oa,  striped  pattern.  In  connected 
texts  neither  reduplication  nor  duplication  is  frequent. 

Composition  and  derivation  are  abundant.  Adjective  stems 
precede  noun  stems  in  composition :  pelin-tsiek,  large-dentalium. 
In  accord  with  the  pronominal  structure  of  the  language,  com- 
pounds containing  a  possessive  are  common :  qoqonewuL-we- 
tspeg'a,  long  his  ears,  mule.  "Words  are  also  compounded  or 
derived  with  nouns  as  first  element :  nepui-cnec,  otter,  nepui, 
salmon;  Lqeliqera,  mole,  Lqel,  earth;  merwuci-clei,  a  species  of 
lizard,  which  is  thought  to  bite  the  navel,  merwuci.  Derived 
nouns,  as  in  most  languages,  are  formed  by  suffixes:  nep,  eat, 
nepui,  food,  salmon.  Terms  of  direction  are  always  prefixed,  as 
in  Wiyot,  Athabascan,  Karok,  Porno,  Wintun,  and  perhaps  other 
languages  of  northern  California:  petskuk-ceg' ep,  up-river 
coyote ;  puleku-qwerek,  down-stream  sharp ;  woxpe-kumeu,  across- 
the-ocean  widower;  pets-ucla,  up-river  throw. 

PRONOUN. 

The  Yurok  pronominal  elements,  like  the  Wiyet,  are  incor- 
porative,  the  independent  forms  being  emphatic  or  non-syntac- 
tical. Also  as  in  Wiyot,  possessives  are  prefixed,  subjective  or 
objective  forms  suffixed. 

The  independent  pronouns  are  nek  and  neka',  objective 
in -k;its,  for  the  first  person,  qel  or  qela',  objective  qelats,  for  the 
second.  There  appears  to  be  no  pronoun  of  the  third  person. 

The  possessive  forms  are  ne-,  no-,  my;  qe-,  qo-,  your;  we-,  wo-, 
o-,  his;  m-,  someone's,  indefinite.  The  plural  seems  to  be  the 
same. 

On  intransitive  verbs  the  subject  is  indicated  by  -k  in  the 
first  person  and  -m  in  the  second. 

In  transitive  verbs  the  combined  objective  and  subjective 
elements  determined  are  -tsek,  I  you ;  -ck,  I  him ;  -tso,  I  you ;  -co, 
I  them ;  -xpa,  you  me ;  -m,  you  him,  you  them ;  -xpen,  he  me.  It 


Independent 

Possessive 

1. 

nek 

ne-,  no- 

2. 

qel 

qe-,  qo- 

3. 

we-,  wo-,  o 

Indef. 

me-,  m- 

420        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

would  seem  from  these  forms  that  the  objective  elements  are  -p, 
-ts,  -c  and  the  subjective  -k,  -m,  — ,  for  the  three  persons  respec- 
tively. 

The  pronominal  elements  thus  are : 

Subjective  Objective 

-k  -p 

-m  -ts 

-c 

The  possessives  indicate  n  and  q  as  the  essential  elements  of 
nek  and  qel.  The  Wiyot  radicals  are  evidently  the  same.  Q 
not  occurring  in  Wiyot,  k,  in  kil  and  ku-,  is  the  equivalent. 
Initial  n  not  being  permitted  in  Wiyot,  yil  and  ru  probably 
represent  original  n.  The  pronominal  forms  of  Yurok  and 
Wiyot  agree  in  the  following  points : 

They  are  incorporative.  Elements  added  to  nouns  are  pre- 
fixed, those  added  to  verbs  suffixed.  The  prefix  and  independent 
forms  are  similar  to  one  another,  the  suffix  forms  entirely  dis- 
similar, also  differing  completely  among  themselves  according 
as  they  are  objective  or  subjective.  The  objective  suffixes  pre- 
cede the  subjective,  which  are  identical  whether  transitive  or 
intransitive.  There  is  a  form,  used  with  body-part  terms,  denot- 
ing indefiniteness  or  absence  of  possession;  it  is  m-  in  both 
languages.  The  fundamental  elements  of  the  possessive  and 
independent  forms  in  both  languages  seem  to  be  n  for  the  first 
person  and  k  for  the  second, — the  former  common,  the  latter 
exceptional  in  American  languages  and  therefore  significant. 
The  suffix  forms  in  the  two  languages  however  show  no  similarity. 

Demonstratives  show  two  stem  forms,  yo  and  ki.  lyo  is  this, 
iyoLko  these.  Yok  is  also  found.  Ku  and  ki  are  that,  the, 
denoting  reference  rather  than  distance.  Ki  is  also  used  rela- 
tively: ki  ololekwic,o 'I  eqlaxLkome,  what  men  tread-on,  the 
world.  With  ku  and  ki  compare  Wiyot  gu-r  and  gi-c. 

Kuc  and  tin  are  interrogative.  Kuc  is  what,  where.  Tin-ica 
is  what,  what  kind;  tin-pa,  which  one.  The  interrogative  par- 
ticle is  hec,  postpositive.  It  is  used  with  verbs;  also  independ- 
ently, when  it  has  the  meaning :  what  is  it,  is  it  so. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  421 

NOUN. 

The  Yurok  noun  like  the  Wiyot  lacks  all  designation  of 
number  or  syntactical  case.  There  is  a  general  locative  suffix 
-ir,,  -aL,  -ei,,  -OL,  corresponding  to  Wiyot  -akw.  In  addition  a 
locative  -ik  has  been  found  in  raets-ik,  in  the  fire,  Lqel-ik,  in  the 
ground,  below,  hierk-ik,  north,  Lep-ek,  in  the  house,  pets-ik,  up 
stream,  pul-ik,  puleku-k,  down  stream.  Another  locative  is  -ic: 
mets-ic,  in  the  fire;  \vonoyek-c-ume,  sky-in-girl;  turip-c-atsin, 
inhabitant  of  Turip.  Terms  of  direction  themselves  are  suffixed 
like  locative  cases:  erner-hiqo,  opposite  Erner;  qenek-pul,  down 
stream  from  Qenek.  Finally  there  is  a  suffix  or  enclitic  -meL, 
by  means  of,  with,  on  account  of,  for.  This  is  however  used  in 
verb  complexes  as  well  as  on  nouns :  tetamoc-ek  meL  tikwoxpen- 
ek  we-yots,  angry-I  because  broke-I  his-boat. 

VERB. 

The  Yurok  and  Wiyot  verbs  are  similar  in  function  and 
structure.  Both  are  distinctly  the  center  of  the  sentence.  In 
both  prefixes  predominate  except  for  the  expression  of  pro- 
nominal relations.  Adverbial,  modal,  temporal,  and  subordinat- 
ing ideas  are  expressed  by  prefixes.  There  are  also  verbal 
suffixes,  but  their  significance  is  for  the  most  part  not  yet  clear. 
Even  independent  adverbs  are  to  some  extent  drawn  into  the 
verb-complex,  which  often  assumes  great  length.  Such  adverbs 
always  precede  the  verb  stem.  Many  prefixes  cannot  be  dis- 
tinguished from  conjunctive  or  adverbial  particles  placed  before 
the  verb.  They  usually  precede  the  verb  immediately  and  are 
spoken  as  one  word  with  it.  At  other  times  they  are  separated 
from  it  by  nouns,  adverbs,  or  numerals. 

ki-na'eli-hoxkumek,  shall  two-houses  I-build 

ki-naxkcemi-wanu'layo,  shall  three-times  I- jump-up 

qdlo-  'oi.  ki t s-keno-atsi yuuk.  it-seems-a-person  has-sat-down-indoors 

These  constructions  evidence  a  compact  grouping  of  the 
other  constituents  of  the  sentence  in  the  verb-complex,  but  at  the 
same  time  seem  to  show  that  at  least  some  of  the  modal,  tem- 
poral, or  adverbial  elements  connected  with  the  verb  stem  are 


422        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

not  so  much  actual  prefixes  as  proposed  particles  closely  linked 
with  the  verb  which  is  the  central  factor  of  the  sentence. 

When  the  subject  and  object  are  independent  nouns  not 
brought  actually  into  the  verb-complex,  they  regularly  follow  it. 
This  marks  them  off  from  nouns  whose  general  relation  to  the 
predicate  is  adverbial,  which  normally  precede  the  verb,  thus 
opening  the  sentence.  The  general  ' '  appositional ' '  nature  of  the 
sentence  is  obvious. 

The  significance  of  only  a  part  of  the  verbal  prefixes  and 
suffixes  that  have  been  determined  in  Yurok  has  become  clear. 
Such  are : 

kits-,  completed  past 

ki-,  future 

tsa-,  imperative 

nimi-,  nimok-,  negative 

kowits-,  negative 

wikiLne-,  negative 

kinek-,  when 

matseki-,  kitatse-,  if 

alukumi-,  because 

conini-,  because 

kit-,  he  who,  when,  participle 

wictu-,  wiit-,  that  is  who,  what,  how,  relative 

qolo-,  as  if,  like,  appears  to 

tsyu-,  all 

Of  suffixes,  the  following  are  apparent : 
-c,  imperative 
-kwilek,  verb  substantive,  similar  to  Wiyot  -er  and  related  endings. 

Prefixes  of  undetermined  meaning  are  wil-,  menex-,  numiL-, 
tukwile-,  kwileki-,  niko-,  qem-,  yokitsnini-,  qem-kits-minolini-, 
ol-,  yikun-,  pikoxtsi-,  mokwile-,  okome-,  tsigoL-,  ca-,  ala-,  qet-, 
me-,  ha-,  moc-,  kuni-. 

Suffixes  are  -yeg'  o  or  -heg'  o,  -melek,  -exkwun,  -pimo,  -kwetsok, 
-wertsek,  -uts,  -noxpe,  -'m. 

The  adjective  shows  a  difference  for  animate  and  inanimate, 
montse,  white,  animate  monterer 
cokoto,  red,  animate  cerkerter 
lo'og'e,  black,  animate  ler'erg'er 
pleli,  pelil,  large,  animate  plerer 

Altogether  a  more  extensive  occurrence  of  subordination  is 
visible  in  sentence  structure  than  in  Wiyot.  It  may  be  that  this 
difference  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Yurok  texts  obtained  are  a 


1911] 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


423 


better  representation  of  normal  speech  and  that  the  sentences  in 
the  Wiyot  texts  are  unduly  abridged  through  the  informants' 
inability  or  unfamiliarity  in  dictating. 

NUMERALS. 

Numeral  stems  are  used  with  a  variety  of  classifying  suffixes. 
This  is  a  feature  not  recorded  of  any  other  Californian  language 
except  Klamath-Modoc,  though  not  uncommon  farther  north  on 
the  Pacific.  The  observations  made  on  Wiyot  reveal  at  least 
the  presence  in  that  language  of  similar  suffixes,  though  their 
extent  is  undetermined.  The  following  list  probably  does  not 
exhaust  this  class  of  suffixes  in  Yurok. 

-iL,  in  counting 

-epir,  separate  dentalium  shells"6 

-etani,  strings  of  dentalium  shellsii« 

-er,  woodpecker  scalps"* 

-erpi,  obsidian  bladesiia 

-eriL,  white  deerskinsn« 

-o,  months,  dollars 

-emoiL,  nights 

-en,  days,  also  pernekr  hand-measures 

-emoi,  fathoms 

-ixteli,  boats,  wagons,  conveyances 

-eli,  houses,  sweat-houses,  nests 

-emi,  times,  occasions,  years 

In  the  addition  of  these  suffixes  to  the  numeral  stems  there 
are  some  apparent  irregularities  and  certain  phonetic  altera- 
tions, including  several  instances  of  the  vocalic  harmony,  or 
assimilation  from  suffix  to  stem,  characteristic  of  the  language. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

Counting 

qoore" 

ni'iL 

naxkceiL 

tsoonet, 

Dentalium-shells 

qooxtepir 

nil  'ii  [  i  i  i 

naxkcepir 

toonepir 

Strings  of  dentalia 

qootani 

na'aitani 

naxkcetani 

toonetani 

Woodpecker  scalps 

qererxter 

ner  'erxker 

nerxkcer 

ta  'erner 

Obsidians 

ner  'erpi 

nerxkcerpi 

White  deerskins 

nerxkceriL 

Months,  dollars 

qoxto 

no'o 

naxkco 

toono 

Nights 

qoxtsemoiL 

nil  'it  Mu  ii  i  . 

naxkcemoiL 

tsoonamoiL 

Days 

qoore" 

na'ain 

naxkcen 

tsoonen 

Fathoms 

qoxtsemoi 

nit  'amoi 

naxkcemoi 

tsoonamoi 

Boats 

nil  'aixteli 

naxkceixteli 

Houses 

na'eli 

naxkceli 

Times 

ne'mi 

naxkcemi 

tsoonemi 

Objects  of  value  and  mediums  of  exchange. 


424        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.   [Vol.  9 

As  will  be  seen,  the  vowel  of  the  stem  for  two  varies  between 
a,  i,  e,  o,  and  er;  in  four  and  one  t  and  ts  replace  each  other; 
x  before  t  and  k  is  parasitic,  and  qooreu,  the  independent  word 
for  one,  corresponds  to  a  stem  qot-. 

How  many  is  expressed  by  kuc  tsameL;  how  many  months 
by  kuc  tamawo;  dentalia,  kuc  tamopir;  woodpecker  scalps,  kuc 
termerwer;  obsidian  blades,  kue  termerpi. 

TEXTS. 
WOXPEKUMEU. 
qe'nek-ic  ho"£  tu-qwe'nomet-ic  atsyeg'  u'qwin 

At  Qenek  he  was.  Outside  the  sweathouse117  he  sat. 

tu-no'L-pu'lukitsro"  tep  kits-hawe'  '-wo  'o'me'pek 

The  sun  was  low.118  He  had  sweated  in  the  sweathouse, 

wie-tu-awetsyu'qwin  qwenome't  tu-wic-tu-noL 

then  he  sat  down  outside  the  sweathouse.  There  he  used  to 

atsyeg'  u'qwin  wit !  i'ni-oqw  ki- we-tsy  e'  'g'  wolo 

sit.  He  kept  that  his  flute 

lepo'noL  mo-no' L-puluki'tsro  i'yeger'er  'xcerper ' 

under  the  ridge-board.119  The  sun  was  low.  He  beat  his  hair  dry.120 

mo-wit-ki'ts-weno  'omo'kciL  numi-wo'  'g'  ik  uki'  'cen 

Summer  had  begun,  it  was  the  middle  of  summer. 

kits-numi-mi'kco'to  'm  uki'  'cen  kits-wic-o  'locon 

It  was  the  very  middle  of  summer  that  he  did  this. 

kits-o'-numi-wic-tu-co'to        uqeg'  e'camewoLek        kiconin-ho'l  'em 

Thus  he  liked  to  do.  He  was  very  sorry  for  those  who  would  be 

ki-6'L         tu-wic-tu-e-meL-qe'g'  ecamewoL         niki'meLtsmeyo'qciL 

men.  Thus  he  was  sorry  for  them  when  it  began  to  be  evening. 

tu-no'L-wie-tu-e'-meL-rura'w0 '  wic-tu-e'-meL-tsig'  uwolo 

Then  therefore  he  began  to  play121  the  flute  on  account  of  that. 

OLO'  'm  we-tsye'g'  wolo  wi'c-tu-e'-meL-ru'raw0 ' 

He  took  his  flute.  Therefore  he  played. 


117  qwenomet  is  the  place  outside  the  small  exit  of  the  sweathouse. 
us  puluk  is  down-stream,  which  at  Qenek  is  nearly  west.      ' '  The  sun 
was  in  the  west." 

us  leponoL  is  the  curved  board,  usually  the  gunwale  of  a  broken  boat, 
that  covers  the  ridge  of  a  sweathouse. 

120  her'erxcerp  is  a  stick  with  which  the  hair  is  combed  or  beaten  dry 
after  a  bath  such  as  follows  sweating. 

121  rurawo  usually  means  to  sing,  but  evidently  refers  to  any  music. 


1911] 


Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco. 


425 


PULEKUQWEREK. 
pe'kwan          qo'li-atsyu          kuc-ki-la'ek          wa'iqowo"opo-c 

AtPekwan  someone  sat.  "Where  shall  I  travel!"         "  Cross  the  river  here. 

noL-hig' -woon        witokwi-nil'L        witso-la'ya      heL-to-ki-ne'wom 

Up  hill  some  distance  live  two.  Travel  there.  Then  you  will  see 

o'lo'meL         kowitso-meL-no'xpew  '-m         ta"o"         ta'wi-ki-laek 

a  house.  But  do  not  enter  it." 

o  'lo'meL          o'le  'm 

a  house.  He  said : 

qo'lin  ats-ka'c,a  qolo-ni'mok 

the  other  is  pounding.  It  seems  not  are 

tac-kit-ckui  ki-kac,a'-wok  heL-weno'o-c 

'  When  it  is  good         that  which  yon  are  pounding,  give  it! " 

nimo'oxku  heL-weno'o-c 

"  There  is  nothing  !  Give  me 

kits-keno-a'tsiyuuk  Lo'ope-c 


noL-o-ne  worn 

Then  he  saw 

atskaho'ritse 

She  is  making  a  basket, 

we'lin 

their  eyes." 

ts  'e'xwar 

"Here!" 

qolo-  'OL 


'  Very  well,        I  will  travel  there." 

i'-ki-coot 

"I  will  go 


a  p-new 

iinil  si-e. 


qemq  o 

more !  " 


"  It  seems  a  person        has  sat  down  indoors." 


"  Catch  him 


wi'ctu  '-co'neqw 

Tims  he  did. 

nu'mitsy-u-nne'p 

he  ate  everything. 

meL-ho"  pke'tso 

he  started  from. 

ha'kwuc  le'yole'kuc 

he  found,  gartersnakes, 


BUZZAED. 
qetqwo'leg'  6'llekwoL 

He  was  still  a  person. 

pule'ku 

Down  stream  (i.e.,  north) 

tu-wictu-me'g'  wometso'  'L 

From  there  he  came. 

Lmeye'pir 

rattlesnakes, 


wictu-hoco'  'n 

Thus  he  used  to  do, 

werherpqe'rixqe'rni 

at  the  head  of  the  river 

tuo'mmmitsyu 

Whatever 

Lqer'wer'c 

salamanders, 


Lqwer'ter'qwc      kitome'nnik      ki-nuwoce'g'onnawoni       tu'-na"p 

frogs,  of  every  sort  different  kinds  he  ate. 

niki'tsyu          co'k          tu-na'p          emcik 'i-wena"          ki-uqu'rqL 

Everything  he  ate,  and  also  those  the  foetuses 

qe"yur          tu-qol-o'nneu  wo"pu  i'nillolik  kina'x 

many  that  he  saw  into  the  river       that  were  thrown.  Those 

ki-wer'  'erg'  eriyerwerni  we1n,tsa'ukc  umeyo'maik 

the  young  girls,  women,  pregnant, 

i'  'mi-ckewo'k-ci'  '-meL    ki-qo'lic-uqo'  'mtsu'  'mek     ku  '-umeyo'moik 

because  they  did  not  like  anyone  to  know  that  they  were  pregnant, 

wit  wo'xpuk-e  olo't'-ni'  ku-u'kc  kits-qo 'lco"« 

then  into  the  river  threw  them.  The  child  il.-a<l. 


426        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.   [Vol.  9 
pi'c-tu-wi'ctu-one'p-qam  numitsyu'-nnep  tu-no'-lla'i 

then  he  ate  it  also.  Everything  he  ate.  He  travelled  on. 

we  'k  '-tu-no'-llai  co-pe'ts  tu-no'-lla'i  tu-pe'tsku-c 

Here  he  travelled  up-stream.  He  travelled.  Up-stream 

o  'hone'cqwetso  'Z-ni'conin        ki-nemer'  'wermeri'  tu-ni'conini 

he  arrived.  Prom  all  the  streams  thus 

wictu-co'  'n        tu-nu'mitsyu'-nep         ketse'g'  inu'weceg'  o'nnowoni 

he  did,  he  ate  everything,  things  of  all  sorts, 

kitse'g'  inewoco'k 

of  any  kind. 

SUMMARY. 

The  Yurok  language  is  of  the  type  known  as  appositional,  in 
that  pronominal,  modal,  temporal,  adverbial,  and  other  elements 
are  attached  to  the  verb  stem,  which  serves  as  the  center  of 
grammatical  construction,  the  other  words  of  the  sentence  being 
syntactically  connected  with  it  through  these  affixes.  The  verb 
is  therefore  complex,  the  pronominal  elements  are  essentially 
affixes,  and  the  grammar  of  the  noun  and  substantival  pronoun 
is  reduced  to  a  minimum,  while  the  adjective  is  a  verb.  The 
pronominal  elements  are  suffixed,  but  most  other  relations,  in- 
cluding those  of  manner  and  time,  are  expressed  by  prefixes  to 
the  verb.  The  possessive  prefixes  of  the  noun,  and  the  emphatic 
substantival  pronouns,  show  no  similarity  to  the  pronominal 
affixes  of  verbs.  Number  and  syntactical  case-relations  are  not 
expressed.  Numerals  are  provided  with  classifying  suffixes. 
Derivation  is  by  suffixation,  and  many  nouns  are  based  on  verb 
stems.  The  sounds  of  the  language  show  considerable  specializa- 
tion of  quality,  vowels  tend  to  be  indeterminate,  and  accumula- 
tions of  consonants  are  radical.  In  all  these  respects  Wiyot  - 
agrees  with  Yurok,  though  the  words  of  the  two  languages 
appear  to  be  dissimilar. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  427 


KAROK. 

The  Karok  language  is  spoken  on  the  Klamath  river  above 
the  Yurok,  extending  from  Red  Cap  creek  to  the  vicinity  of  Clear 
creek.  The  largest  groups  of  villages  were  about  Orleans,  the 
mouth  of  Salmon  river,  and  the  mouth  of  Clear  creek.  The 
language  is  uniform,  except  in  the  Clear  creek  region,  in  the 
uppermost  part  of  the  territory  of  the  stock,  where  an  unrecorded 
dialect  is  said  to  be  divergent.  The  Karok  have  no  name  for 
themselves  other  than  arara,  people.  Karok,  more  properly 
karuk,  in  their  own  tongue  means  up  stream;  they  occasionally 
designate  themselves  as  karuk-v-arara,  up-stream  people,  but 
chiefly  with  reference  to  the  Yurok  or  yuruk-v-arara. 

The  following  notes  were  obtained  from  several  informants, 
especially  Mrs.  Bennett  and  her  sister,  Miss  Jeannette  Home. 
Only  the  readily  observable  traits  of  the  language  are  presented, 
a  more  thorough  study  being  in  progress. 

PHONETICS. 

The  phonetic  system  of  Karok  is  simple,  and  presents  few 
difficulties  to  a  European  tongue. 
The  sounds  are : 

u  o  a  e  i 

a  A  •  &  i 

k  x 

(k-)  (x-) 

t  s  n 

p  f          v        m 

c,  tc,  r,  y,  h 

The  vowels  are  of  distinct  quality.  E  and  o  are  open.  Short 
vowels  are  sometimes  touched  so  lightly  as  to  be  scarcely  audible. 

K-  and  x-  are  pre-palatal,  and  perhaps  organically  different 
from  k  and  x.  S  approximates  English  th,  while  c  lies  between  s 
and  sh.  F  and  v  are  bilabial,  but  differ  little  from  the  European 
labio-dentals.  F  occurs  elsewhere  in  California  only  in  Esselen 
and  in  two  Porno  dialects.  Karok  r  is  trilled  and  very  different 


428        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

from  Yurok  r.  The  absence  from  the  language  of  sonant  stops, 
lateral  sounds,  stressed  consonants,  and  w,  is  notable. 

All  the  sounds  of  the  language  occur  in  all  parts  of  words, 
except  that  r  is  not  initial.  E  and  o  are  rarely  final. 

There  is  little  contraction,  elision,  or  euphonic  modification 
of  sounds.  A-u  sometimes  becomes  o.  Short  or  ' '  neutral ' '  i  may 
become  infected  by  preceding  u:  ki'ri,  u'-kuri.  R  and  n,  as  in 
Wiyot,  are  often  equivalent.  R  becomes  n  before  consonantal 
suffixes:  ni-psimtarar-ec,  u-psimtaran-ti.  Similarly  final  v 
changes  to  m :  av-aha,  am-ti ;  kiv-uni,  kim-cur. 

Initial  and  final  combinations  of  consonants  do  not  occur 
except  in  a  few  doubtful  cases.  It  seems  therefore  that  Karok 
agrees  with  the  majority  of  Californian  languages  in  possessing 
only  alternations  of  consonants  and  vowels  in  the  elements  of  its 
words. 

Altogether  the  phonetics  of  Karok  are  as  different  from  those 
of  Yurok  and  Wiyot  as  they  possibly  could  be.  There  is  more 
superficial  resemblance  to  Shasta  and  Chimariko. 

STRUCTURE. 

Suffixation  is  the  principal  grammatical  method.  Prefixes  are 
limited  to  pronominal  forms.  Reduplication  is  scarcely  gram- 
matical. Neither  ablaut  nor  umlaut  nor  other  internal  modifica- 
tion of  stems  occurs. 

The  noun  lacks  syntactical  cases  and  the  pronominal  forms 
are  incorporative.  This  general  fact  is  the  chief  resemblance 
Karok  bears  to  Yurok. 

Both  derivations  and  compositions  are  found  frequently. 
Most  words  are  tolerably  long,  and  the  verb  stems  that  have 
been  recognized  are  more  frequently  polysyllabic  than  mono- 
syllabic. 

The  commonest  derivative  suffix  is  a  diminutive  -itc.  Yuki, 
Wiyot,  Hupa,  and  Yokuts  also  show  diminutives  in  -itc  or  -ate. 

puf-itc,  deer 
pihnef-itc,  coyote 
apxan-tini-ite,  hat-wide,  American 
kit-ate,  granddaughter 
omuk-itc,  near 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  429 

tcu-itc,  narrow 
ac-axna-itc,  shallow 
anama-tc,  small 
tunue-itc,  small 
yam-ate,  pretty  (yav,  good) 
kem-itc,  old  (kern,  bad) 

Very  common  is  -an  or  -ar,  denoting  the  agent  or  instrument, 
kivip-an,  runner 
xuc-ar,  thinker,  thoughtful 
kirih-an-e,  fishermen 
imafunv-an-c,  beggars 
tcivtcak-ar,  door,  the  thing  for  shutting 
xuskam-ar,  gun 
ac-iktav-an,  woman,  water-carri-er 

Other  deriving  suffixes  are : 

-ip,  on  names  of  trees, 
isar-ip,  fir 
civir-ip,  yellow  pine 

-1C. 

kern,  bad,  kem-ic,  evil  thing,  monster 
-aha. 

av,  eat,  av-aha,  food 

-ram.        pancrof  t  Librttcjj 

kiri-vi,  sit,  kirivi-ram,  house 
-kirak. 

kiri-vi,  sit,  kirivi-kirak,  stool 

-vapu,  born  at,  person  belonging  to. 

aksiphirak-vapu,  the  one  born  at  Trinity  Summit 

-v-arara,  people. 

yuruk-v-arara,  down-stream  people 

-/cam,  large. 

axup-kam,  large  stick 

-kunic,  forms  adjectives,  especially  of  color,  from  nouns. 

imcaxu-kunic,  pitch-like,  soft 
tcantcaf-kunic,  foam-color,  white 

-ipux,  lacking. 

xuc-ipux,  thoughtless 

-ruk,  is  added  to  the  stems  of  the  five  commonest  terms  of 
direction.    It  suggests  the  locative  ending  -ak. 


430         University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

yu-ruk,  down-stream 

ka-ruk,  up-stream 

ca-ruk,  towards  the  stream,  down 

ma-ruk,  away  from  the  stream,  up 

sie-ruk,  across  the  stream 

In  composition  these  words  and  stems  always  precede: 
sieruk-pihiriv,  across-the-water- widower ;  ka-timin,  up-stream- 
dam;  yur-ac,  down-stream-water,  ocean. 

NOUN. 

The  noun  is  ordinarily  without  designation  of  number. 
Certain  nouns  denoting  persons,  or  derived  from  verbs  by  the 
agent-suffix  -an,  and  certain  adjectives,  express  the  plural  by  -c. 

kunih-ara-c,  arrows 

imafunv-an-c,  beggars 

tunueite-ic,  small  ones,  children 

arara-c,  relatives 

tipa-hivi-c,  brothers 

kustar-ivi-c-oc,  older  sisters 

aca-kam-c  keitc-ic  pa-c,  the  large  rocks 

There  are  no  subjective,  objective,  or  possessive  case-endings, 
but  a  series  of  local-instrumental  suffixes : 
-ak,  in,  at 
-kcu,  in 

-ava-kam,  on,  over 
-curuk,  under 
-pimitc,  near 
-os-kam,  before 
-vasi-kam,  behind 
-muk,  with 

-xakan,  in  company  with 
-kus,  on  account  of 

Examples : 

isarip-ak,  on  the  fir 
ic-ak,  in  the  water 
nunu-avakam,  above  us 
axup-muk,  with  wood 
yux-kcu,  in  the  ground 
aca-curuk,  under  a  rock 
aca-pimitc,  near  a  rock 

Possessive  pronominal  elements  are  prefixed  to  nouns.  A 
possessive  relation  between  two  nouns  is  expressed  by  the  pre- 
fixion  of  the  pronominal  element  of  the  third  person  to  the  noun 
denoting  the  possessed  object. 

aciktavan  mu-kiriviram,  woman  her-house 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  431 

PRONOUN. 

The  pronominal  forms  are : 
Independent  Possessive          Subjective  Objective 


1    8. 

na 

nani- 

ni- 

na- 

2    8. 

im 

mi- 

i- 

-ap 

3    8. 

um 

mu- 

u- 

1  p. 

nu 

nanu- 

nu- 

kin- 

2  p. 

Im-kun 

mi-kunu- 

kik- 

kik  —  ap 

3  p. 

um-kun 

mu-kunu- 

kun- 

The  independent  forms  are  used  as  the  subjects  of  predicate 
nouns  and  adjectives  and  for  emphasis. 

All  other  forms,  except  objective  of  the  second  person  -ap, 
are  prefixed. 

A  suffix  -un  denotes  plurality :  ni-mah-un-at,  I  saw  them. 

The  regular  use  of  the  subjective  prefixes  of  the  third  person 
even  after  a  noun  subject,  evinces  the  feeling  of  the  language  for 
' '  incorporational ' '  structure  of  the  appositional  type. 

That  the  incorporative  tendency  is  however  not  very  strong, 
is  shown  by  the  fact  that  subjective  and  objective  prefix  elements 
are  not  used  together  in  one  verb. 

The  form  nu-  denotes  that  the  first  person  acts  on  the  second : 
I-thee. 

The  substantival   possessive   pronouns   are   formed  by   -upi : 
nani-upi,  mine. 

The  commonest  demonstrative  is  pa,  indicating  reference,  not 
distance  or  direction,  and  nearly  with  the  function  of  an  article. 
From  it  are  derived  the  more  specific  demonstratives  pa-ipa,  this, 
and  pa-ik-u,  that.  Here  and  there  are  o-k  and  paik-u-k,  whose  -k 
seems  to  be  the  locative  ending.  Kan  also  means  there. 

VERB. 

The  Karok  verb  is  comparatively  simple.  The  subjective  or 
objective  pronominal  element  is  prefixed  to  the  stem;  a  suffix 
indicating  spatial  relation  often  follows  the  stem;  and  the  word 
ends  in  a  modal  or  temporal  suffix,  or  sometimes  two.  Other 


432        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 

modal  and  temporal  ideas  are  expressed  by  particles  which 
precede  the  verb  without  forming  part  of  it.  Instrumental 
prefixes  are  lacking,  and  the  causative,  compulsive,  transitive, 
inceptive,  benefactive,  and  similar  affixes  common  in  American 
languages  are  scarcely  represented. 

Suffixes  expressing  spatial  relations,  either  of  position  or  of 
motion,  are: 

-ura,  up 

-uni,  down 

-fak,  down 

-varak,  down-stream 

-arup,  -ripa,  out 

-amni,  in,  into 

-kuri,  into 

-kiri,  into  fire,  in  fire 

-furuk,  into  house 

-tako,  on 

-harav,  through 

-ka,  to 

-ra,  toward 

-cur,  off 

Modo-temporal  suffixes  are : 

-ti,  imperfect,  present 

-at,  -it,  -hat,  past 

-ec,  -ic,  future 

-vani,  reflexive 

-c,  imperative  (as  in  Yurok) 

Interrogation  is  denoted  by  -um  or  hen-um,  which  appear  to 
be  enclitic  particles,  as  in  so  many  other  American  languages, 
since  they  are  attached  to  other  words  as  well  as  the  verb. 

Preposed  adverbial  particles  are: 

ip,  completed  or  past  action 

ta,  probably  indefinite  or  imperfect  time 

tcimi,  tci,  tcu,  optative,  future,  inceptive,  imperative 

xatik,  tikan,  optative 

puran,  reciprocity 

pu,  negative 

Examples  of  verb  forms : 

im-um  i-apunmu-ti,  you,  do  you  know? 
n-aknap-hen-um,  did  you  slap  me? 
ni-seinati-hec,  I  shall  have  woodpecker-scalps 
nani-hir6-hec,  will  be  my  wife,  I  will  marry 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  433 

pasakhi-c,  kneel! 

tcimi  piftcak-c,  open  it! 

tu  ne-kim-tako,  I  fell  on 

u-pas-ura,  he  threw  up 

virax-cur,  lick  off 

mara-kuri-hat,  ran  down  into 

no-pas-kiri-hec,  I  will  throw  you  into  the  fire 

pip-arup,  break  out 

u-ari-furuk,  he  rushed  indoors 

ok  i-siuru-ra,  pull  it  here 

ta  ni-kuni-fak,  I  shoot  down 


ADJECTIVE. 

The  adjective  resembles  the  noun  rather  than  the  intransitive 
verb.  It  is  used  predicatively  with  the  independent  pronoun, 
whereas  the  verb  is  employed  with  subjective  prefix:  na  keitc, 
I  am  large,  and  na  aciktavan,  I  am  a  woman,  but  ni-kivip,  I  run. 

Adjectives  and  nouns  are  both  subject  to  the  diminutive 
suffix  -itc.  The  plural  suffix  -c  is  also  shared  by  nouns  and 
adjectives. 

The  word  for  small  is  anamatc  when  attributive,  ninamitc 
when  predicative. 

NUMERALS. 

The  numeral  system  is  quinary  to  ten,  from  there  on  decimal. 

1  yisa  6  kirivkir 

2  axak  7  axa-kinivkir 

3  kwirak  8  kwira-kinivkir 

4  pis  9  trop-aticram 

5  trop  10  trahiara 

11     trahiara  karu  yisa 
20     axak-a  trahiara 
30     kwirak-a     trahiara 

Trop  and  trahiara  have  also  been  heard  tirop  and  tirahiara 
and  kwirak  as  kuyurak. 

Distributive  numerals  are  formed  by  the  suffix  -mate;  axak- 
matc,  two  each. 

Numeral  classifiers  have  not  been  noted. 


434        University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.    [Vol.  9 


ipacna'van-itc  kan 

Cat-owl  there 

tu-a'kun-var2  ka're-xac 

he-hunting-went.  And  then 

caruk  to-siu'ru-fak4 

down  he-dragged-(it)-down 


TEXT. 

u'-kuri1 

he  lived. 

pu'fitc 

deer 

stip 

(to)  the  shore. 


xac 

Then 


tu-pi-knivi-tak-i'c6 

he-sat-on 

to-u-kpo'u-va'rak7 

floated-down-stream . 

ka're-xac  kan 

And  then  there 

8 


pa 

the 


xac 

Then 


xac 

Then 


pa-mu-av 

that-his-faee 

u-pi'ric-hu'ni-va9 

there  was  brush  down  it. 


xac 

Then 


pa 

the 


ni'hatc  xac 

gently.  Then 

to-siuru-ri'pa 

he-dragged-(it)-out. 

a'rar  to-kuma'rihivik 

person  he  met, 

a'pap          u-a'v-ac-hu'ni-va9          xac 

one  side  water  ran  down,  then 

ka're-xac          pa          pu'fitc 

And  then  the 

6'nu-itc  kietc 

kidney  only 

xac         to'-mnic 

he-cooked 


ku'kum  iman 

Again  tomorrow 

to'-ik-a'r3  xac 

he  killed.  Then 

mu-ve'cur-ak5 

its-horns-on 

pu'fitc 

deer 


deer 

tu-pas-i 

he-threw. 


to-cfi'ri 

he-skinned. 

a'raa'ra 

person 

a'pap 

one-side 

tu-e's-ep 

he-took. 

xac 

Then 


xac 

Then 


to-u-pu-va'ram10         xac         to'-mnic         pa         u'nu-itc 

he-home-went.  Then  he-cooked  the  kidney. 

tu-a'u11         ku'kum         ima'n         tu-p-akun-vara12         ka're-xac 

he-ate.  Again  tomorrow  he-hunting-went.  And  then 

kan  u-u'm  e  ica'vac  6'uk  ta-ni-a'ho13 

there  he-arrived.  "Oh,  cousin,  here  I-have-come. 

no'-yuka're-ec14       pa       In       pu'fitci       I       i-e's-a-yl'p-vuti-hat15 

We-will-kill  the     one  deer  who  you-has-deprived-of." 


NOTES. 

1  Stem  kiri,  live,  sit,  be. 

2  Tu-  and  ti-  are  at  times  found  for  u-  and  i-,  he  and  you;  akun  is  the 
stem;  var,  more  fully  varam,  to  go,  is  used  both  as  an  independent  stem 
and  as  a  suffixed  auxiliary. 

3  T6-,  for  particle  ta  and  pronominal  prefix  u-. 

*  T6-,  the  same;  siuru,  stem;  fak,  spatial  suffix,  down;  the  object  as 
well  as  the  tense  are  not  expressed. 

B  Mu-,  possessive  prefix  of  third  person;  -ak,  locative  case-suffix. 

•  Tu-,    subjective    prefix,    third    person;    pi-,    meaning    unascertained; 
knivi,  for  kinivi,  equals  kiri-vi,  sit,  from  kiri,  as  in  note  1 ;  -tak,  for  -tako, 
on,  spatial  suffix;  -ic,  seems  to  be  the  future  suffix  -ec,  -ie,  though  the  con- 
text calls  for  a  preterite. 


1911]  Kroeber:  Languages  North  of  San  Francisco.  435 

i  T6-  for  ta  influenced  by  following  u;  u-,  he;  kpou,  float,  swim; 
-varak,  spatial  suffix,  down-stream. 

s  Pa-,  that,  the,  customary  with  the  possessive  prefix  of  the  third 
person  mu-. 

•  U-,  subjective  pronominal  element,  third  person;  av,  doubtful;  ac, 
water;  -huni,  usually  -uni,  spatial  suffix  of  verbs,  down;  -va,  doubtful. 
In  u-piric-huni-va,  pirie  is  brush,  grass. 

10  To-,  for  ta,  before  u;  u-,  he;  pu-,  uncertain;  varam,  to  go. 

11  Au  for  av,  am,  to  eat. 

12  Compare  tu-akun-var  before;  for  the  prefixed  p-,  see  notes  6  and  10. 
is  Ta,  proposed  particle,  probably  temporal;  ni-,  I;  aho,  come. 

*4  No-,  more  often  nu-,  we;  yukare,  stem,  to  kill,  altered  from  ik-ara 
by  the  u-quality  of  the  prefix;  -ec,  future  suffix. 

i5!-,  you,  object;  es,  stem,  to  deprive,  take;  -yip,  for  -ip  or  -cip,  seems 
to  denote  motion  away — compare  es-ep,  above;  -vuti,  a  common  suffix, 
apparently  temporal;  -hat,  suffix  of  past  time. 


University  of  California, 
April  4, 1910. 


INDEX' 


Achoma'wi,  3,  31.  76,  133,  144,  152, 
153,  155,  159,  210,  214. 

Ahwastes,  240. 

Alameda  county,  239. 

Algonkin,  258. 

Altahmos,  240. 

Amador,  278,  292. 

American  Museum  of  Natural  His- 
tory, 4. 

Ansaymes,  239. 

Apocynum  cannabinum,  46. 

Aryan,  300. 

Athabascan,  276,  305,  306,  321, 
348,  358,  371,  384,  389,  419. 

Atsuge'wi,  3,  31,  133,  159,  210,  214. 

Ausaimas,  239. 

Ball 's  Ferry,  68. 

Bally  Mountain,  22,  221. 

Barrett,  S.  A.,  cited,  240,  242,  260, 
279,  292,  293,  294,  320,  322,  323, 
326,  332,  348,  373,  381,  382, 

Basin  Hollow,  107. 

Battle  creek,  2,  3,  6,  32,  76. 

Bat'wi,  Sam,  3,  4,  6,  20,  22,  29, 
31,  33,  35,  43,  50,  51,  67,  76,  88, 
125,  129,  159,  209,  228. 

Bear  Creek,  68,  125. 

Bear  River  mountains,  384. 

Bennett,  Mrs.,  427. 

Big  Bend,  160. 

Big  Meadows  Indians,  3. 

Big  Valley,  159,  160. 

Bodega  bay,  278,  292. 

.Boston,  3. 

Bowditch,  C.  P.,  278. 

Brodiaea,  409. 

Brown,  Betty,  3,  4,  43,  45,  60,  103, 
129,  132,  133,  136,  140,  149,  159, 
160,  178,  197,  198,  200,  206. 

Brown,  Raymond,  320. 

Buena  Vista,  305. 

Bullskin  ridge,  3,  34,  126. 

Bully  Choop  range,  321. 

Burney  creek,  3. 
valley,  71,  159. 

Buzzard's  Roost,  17,  126.  129. 

Caballeria  y  Collell,  269,  271. 

Calaveras  county,  278. 

California,  Ethnological  and  Arch- 
aeological Survey  of,  2,  276. 


California  Farmer,  242. 

Calistoga,  348. 

Cedar  creek,  3. 

Charmstones,  271. 

Chico  Indians,  196. 

Chimariko,  261,  276,  387,  428. 

Chinook,  358. 

Chocouyem,  318. 

Chumash,  237,  293,  303.  305,  306. 

Chumeto,  293. 

Clear  creek,  427. 

lake,  287,  320,  326. 
Clough,  68. 

Clover  creek,  31,  107,  123. 
Coast  range,  239,  276,  278. 
Coast  Yuki,  348. 
Cornelias,  F.  J.,  242. 
Contra  Costa  county,  239. 
Copper  City,  2. 
Costanoan,  237,  278,  279,  293,  297, 

304,  305,  306,  308,  309,  312,  319, 

387. 

Cosumnes  river,  278. 
Coulter,  265. 
Cow  creek,  6,  68,  69,  74,  107. 

Old,  112,  123. 
Crater  peak,  2. 
Cuesta,  Felipe  Arroyo  de  la,  237, 

239,  242,  249,  250,  252. 
Cummings,  Eph,  278. 
Curtin,  Jeremiah,  3,  17,  20,  29,  31, 

35,  43,  66.  76,  88,  123.  133,  136, 

154,  160,  170,  200,  216,  228,  233. 
Curtin,  Mrs.,  4,  170. 
Dakota,  303,  305. 
DeMofras,  Duflot,  241,  253,  269, 

316. 

Dixie  valley,  159. 
Dixon,  R.  B.,  3,  4,  31,  76,  88,  123, 

133,  136,  200,  203.  204,  209,  210. 

214,  227,  241,  261,  276,  278,  293, 

297,  303,  306,  313,  316,  332.  A  1  I. 
Dolores,  239. 
Eel  river,  348,  384. 
English,  293. 
Erner,  418,  421. 
Eskimo,  358. 
Esselen,  268,  387,  4L'7. 
Eulophus  pringlei,  177. 
Fall  City,  155. 


*  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn.,  Vol.  9. 


[437] 


Index. 


Fall  Kiver,  152,  155,  159. 

Indians,  155. 

Mills,  155. 
Franciscan,  239. 
Fresno  river,  278. 
Gallatin,  241. 
Gatschet,  A.  S.,  265,  271,  293,  296, 

310,  316. 
Geyserville,  348. 
Ghost  dance,  196. 
Glendale,  387. 

Goddard,  P.  E.,  276,  321,  415,  417. 
Gold  Bluff,  386,  414. 
Golden  Gate,  278,  292. 
Hale,  241,  265. 
Hat  creek,  2,  71. 

Indians,  3,  54,  71,  159,  210. 

valley,  159. 

Hearst,  Mrs.  Phoebe  A.,  acknowl- 
edgment, 276. 
Hookooeko,  292. 
Home,  Miss  Jeannette,  427. 
Hot  Springs  Indians,  159. 

valley,  159. 
Huchnom,  348,  352. 
Hurnboldt  bay,  384. 
Hupa,  276,  388,  428. 
Indo-European,  288,  301,  323. 
Irvington,  239. 
Jackson,  278. 
Joukiousme,  318. 
Karok,  276,  384,  385,  387,  389,  415, 

419. 
Kato,  348. 

Kato  Texts,  321. 
Klamath  river,  386,  414,  427. 
Klamath-Modoc,  423. 
Kosh  creek,  160. 
Kroeber,  A.  L.,  cited,  3,  4,  31,  273, 

332. 

La  Purisima,  264. 
Lake  county,  320. 

dialect,  292. 

Languages  of  the  Coast  of  Cali- 
fornia North  of  San  Francisco, 
273. 
Lassen  county,  159. 

peak,  3. 

Latham,  259,  414. 
Latin,  327. 
Lekahtewutko,  292. 
Lindsey  creek,  388. 
Little,  Brown  and  Company,  4, 170. 
Little  Cow  creek,  2,  34. 
Little  river,  384,  387,  414. 
Loew,  265. 

Lord's  Prayer,  253,  269,  316. 
Mad  river,  384. 
Maidu,  3,  4,  31,  76,  88,  89,  133,  159, 


196,  203,  204,  241,  261,  293,  303, 

311,  325,  327,  387. 
Marin  county,  242,  278,  292. 
Mariposa,  292. 
Medilding,  388. 
Mendocino  county,  320. 
Mengarini,  F,  G.,  cited,  242. 
Merriam,  C.  Hart,  cited,  292. 
Mewko,  292. 
Mewuk,  292. 
Mill  creek,  3,  33. 
Millville,  6,  31,  68,  69,  107,  112. 
Mitchell,  Thomas,  320. 
Miwok,    240,    241,    249,    254,    259, 

260,   262,   276,   277,   278  ff.,   325, 

387,  396,  401. 
Modoc,  423. 

county,  159. 
Mohave,  392. 
Mokalumne,  292. 
Mokozumne,  292. 
Monterey,  237,  239,  240,  241,  242, 

249,  250,  251,  252. 
Montgomery  creek,  2,  3,  6,  17,  126, 

133,  206. 

Moquelumnan,  259,  262,  292. 
Mt.  Shasta,  161. 
Mutsun,  237,  239,  262,  292,  297. 
Oak  Eun,  34. 
Ochehak,  292. 
Olamentko,  292. 
Olhones,  240. 
Oregon,  34,  203. 
Orick,  414. 
Orleans,  427. 
Patawat,  384. 
Phonograph  records,  258. 
Pit  river,  2,  28,  42,  149,  152,  153, 

159,  160. 

Indians,  3,  54,  144,  153,  214. 
Plains  dialect,  292. 
Polaya,  240. 
Polya,  240. 
Porno,  240,  241,  276,  277,  278,  293. 

348,  357,  371,  385,  387,  393,  401, 

419,  427. 
Portola,  265. 

Powell,  J.  W.,  259,  292,  406. 
Powers,  Stephen,  77,  242,  259,  265, 

292,  296,  406. 
Putnam,  F.  W.,  265. 
Qenek,  421,  424. 
Red  Bluff,  221. 
Red  Cap  creek,  427. 
Redding,  2,  3,  6,  22,  221. 
Redwood  Indians,  352. 
Riggs,  S.,  303. 
Romance  languages,  327. 
Romonans,  240. 


[438] 


Index. 


Round  Mountain,  2,  6,  17,  123,  140, 

188. 

Jack,  3,  4,  200,  209,  216. 
Round  valley,  348,  352. 
Rumsen,  240. 
Rumsien,  240. 
Russian  river,  381. 
Sacramento  river,  2,  3,  6,  28,  221, 

318. 

valley,  196. 

Salinan,  250,  268,  296,  305,  306. 
Salmon  river,  427. 
San  Andreas,  278. 
San  Buenaventura,  238,  264,  265, 

269,  271. 
San  Carlos,  239. 
San  Francisco,  239,  240,  241,  242, 

252,  276,  278. 
San  Joaquin  river,  239. 

valley,  308. 
San  Jose,  238,  239,  240,  241,  242, 

250,  251,  253. 
San  Juan  Bautista,  239,  240,  241, 

242,  250,  251,  252,  253,  297,  304. 
San  Luis  Obispo,    264,    265,    268, 

269. 

San  Rafael,  318. 
Santa  Barbara,  264,  265,  269,  270, 

271. 
Santa  Clara,    239,    240,    241,    242, 

252,  253. 

county,  239. 
Santa  Cruz,  239,  240,  241,  242,  252. 

island,  264,  265,  269. 
Santa    Ynez,    237,    264,    265,    268, 

269,  271. 

Sapir,  Edward,  cited,  321,  415. 
Schoolcraft,  242. 
Serrano,  268. 
Shasta,  261,  303,  325,  428. 

county,  2,  6,  129. 
Shea,  237. 
Shingletown,  76. 
Shoshonean,    240,    264,    268,    293, 

305,  306,  358,  371. 
Sierra  Nevada,  263,  278. 

dialect,  292. 
Siouan,  358. 
Siujtu,  270. 
Snake  Indians,  159. 
Soledad,  239,  240,  241,  242. 
Songs,  258. 
Sonoma  county,  320. 
Spanish,  250,  263,  271,  390. 
Stillwater  creek,  216. 
Stone  Lagoon,  414. 
Sulatelak,  384. 
Takelma,  34,  203,  210,  227. 
Tamarack  Road,  69,  125. 


''Tar  Baby,"  227. 

Tatu,  352. 

Taylor,  A.,  242,  265. 

Tehama,  3,  33. 

Terry's  sawmill,  17. 

Timrneno,  265. 

Tozzer,  A.  M.,  278,  282,  283,  284, 

287,  290,  297. 
Trinidad,  414. 
Trinity  river,  414. 
Summit,  429. 
Tiibatulabal,  305. 
Tulare  valley,  253. 
Tuleamme,   292. 
Tulomos,  240. 
Tuolumne,  292. 
Turip,  421. 

University  or  California,  Depart- 
ment of  Anthropology  of,  2. 
Ute,  31. 

Ute-Chemehuevi,  396. 
Vance  Mill,  388. 
Viard,  384. 
Wailaki,  355. 
Wappo,  348. 
Washo,  293,  303,  306,  331,  358,  371, 

387. 

Waterman,  T.  T.,  cited,  415. 
West  Point,  278. 
Weyet,  384. 

Wheeler  Survey,  265,  271. 
Wiki-daredaliL,  384. 
Wilson  creek,  414. 
Wintun,  3,  22,  54,  59,  71,  104,  197, 

293,  303,  306,  325,  387,  419. 
Wishosk,  384. 
Wiyat,  384. 
Wiyot,  276,  305,  306,  414,  415,  418, 

419,  420,  421,  422,  423,  426,  428. 
Woodman,  2. 
Woodwardia,  409. 
Xerophyllum  tenax,  145,  409. 
Yana,  250,  306,  387;  Central,  2,  6, 

200;  Northern,  2,  3,  6,  200,  216; 

Southern,  6,  7. 
Yana  Texts,  321. 
Yates,  L.  G.,  cited,  271. 
Yokuts,  31,  240,  241,  250,  253,  261, 

268,  271,  279,  280,  281,  293,  296, 

303,  308,  311,  325,  327,  358,  387, 

428. 

Yuchtu,  270. 
Yuctu,  270. 
Yuki,  240,  250,  276,  277,  280,  293, 

320,  321,  322,  323,  325,  326,  327, 

331,  340,  387,  393,  394,  396,  428; 

Coast,  348. 
Yurok,  250,  276,  305,  306,  384,  385, 

387,  389,  401,  427,  428,  432. 


[439] 


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